Ukraine

Statement

The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on Monday 24 February.

“With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a Statement on Ukraine.

In January 2022, I visited the Wall of Remembrance of the Fallen in Kyiv with my right honourable friend the Defence Secretary. Seeing the faces of all those who had lost their lives since 2014 brought home the human cost of Kremlin imperialism—and of the Ukrainian determination to stand up to it. Indeed, some weeks later, just as British and American intelligence services had warned, we awoke to news of Putin’s full-scale invasion, launched to shatter the sovereign state of Ukraine.

Today, we mark three years of Ukrainian courage in resisting that brutal, illegal and unprovoked invasion. I have witnessed their fortitude at first hand in three visits to Kyiv over the past year—their defiant blitz spirit as Russian missiles and drones rain down night after night after night. On this grim anniversary, amid all the talk about talks, we must not forget that Russia’s barbaric war goes on, that the Ukrainian people are suffering, and that, beyond Europe, the conflict is piling pressure on the world’s poorest, too.

This debate takes place against the backdrop of intense diplomatic efforts, responding of course to President Trump’s call to bring this war to a swift end. At the G20 in South Africa last week, I listened to Sergey Lavrov. Once again, he shamelessly played the victim, rehashing the same old lies. I will say to the House what I said in response: if Russia is serious about a lasting peace that respects Ukraine’s sovereignty, Ukraine’s independence and the United Nations charter, guarantees Ukraine’s security against future aggression, and rejects imperialism, then Britain will listen. No one wants that more than Ukraine.

At the Munich Security Conference, I underlined that Ukraine must be at the heart of any talks about Ukraine’s future, and I said that the West must learn from our history. Vladimir Putin and his war are no historical aberration. He draws on a tsarist tradition—the imperialism and authoritarianism of Peter the Great or Nicholas I—and a Soviet tradition; he is, after all, a KGB agent who operates by deception. It was an American diplomat, George Kennan, whose ‘Long Telegram’ in 1946 warned of a deep continuity in Kremlin thinking. He argued that the Kremlin would respond only to strength. That was the basis for the policy of containment, as part of which Britain contributed tens of thousands of troops to the British Army of the Rhine. It was that strength, not paper promises, that deterred Moscow from further advances west.

Today, let us look at the Kremlin’s recent record. The Helsinki Final Act of 1975—betrayed. The Budapest memorandum of 1994—betrayed. The NATO-Russia Founding Act of 1997—betrayed. The Minsk agreements of 2014 and 2015—betrayed. This is foreign policy by lies. We must respond by being true to ourselves and provide the support Ukraine needs to stay strong, because that is what is needed to secure a lasting peace and shape our collective security so that Putin never invades again.

The UK has a unique role in helping to make that happen. My right honourable and learned friend the Prime Minister was in Paris last week talking to our European allies about how we step up support for Ukraine, accelerate work on security guarantees and take more responsibility for the security of our continent. In Munich, I spoke to Vice-President Vance and Secretary of State Rubio. In Brussels, my right honourable friend the Defence Secretary chaired the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, where US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth confirmed that, like us, the US wants to see a sovereign, prosperous Ukraine.

Europe must shoulder its share of the burden. With the United States and its unique capabilities, we can deter Putin from attacking Ukraine again and from escalating hybrid Russian attacks in Europe into some form of direct confrontation, so this week the Prime Minister and I will be travelling to Washington DC to meet President Trump. Ukraine needs friends and allies on both sides of the Atlantic working together to achieve ‘peace through strength’. Both President Trump and President Zelensky have spoken of their desire to achieve that, and the Prime Minister will reaffirm to Zelensky in a call today that it is Britain’s goal as well.

That must include European countries investing more in our own defence and capabilities. Already, the UK has stepped up and sped up military assistance. We have committed £3 billion in military aid a year—every year, for as long it takes. Over the next two years, we will provide an additional £2.26 billion earmarked for military spending, via our share of the $50 billion G7 loan backed by frozen Russian assets.

In addition, as the Prime Minister has made clear, we know our Kremlin history, and that is why we are ready to contribute to future security guarantees for Ukraine in the context of a US backstop, including by putting our own troops on the ground if necessary. That would not be an easy decision—anyone in this House who has taken responsibility for the lives of British service men and women can attest to that—but I know the whole House recognises that Ukraine’s security is our security.

The UK also continues to set the pace on ratcheting up the economic pressure on the Kremlin. Together with our international partners, we have already denied Russia access to $400 billion. Its war economy is increasingly unsustainable. Inflation is 9.9% and rising, and that is just the official figure. Interest rates are running at 21%. This year, Russia will spend almost 41% of its budget on defence and security.

Today, we are announcing our biggest package of sanctions since the early days of the war: over 100 targets, including 40 oil tankers—our largest set of ship specifications in a single sanctions package yet—as well as third-country enablers that are pouring money into Putin’s war chest. New legislation imposes additional trade sanctions on Russia, too. That will deny Russia access to the world-leading expertise needed to maintain its war.

Today, the UK is also solidifying our historic 100-year partnership with Ukraine, which was signed by the Prime Minister and President Zelensky in Kyiv in January. In February, I saw for myself how much that partnership means to Ukraine, and how much potential there is for our collective growth and security. Together, we lay that agreement in Parliament for scrutiny, and I look forward to it entering into force when the process is complete—a clear sign of our confidence in Ukraine’s future.

This is a critical moment. I want to acknowledge how colleagues have stood united over these past three years, including honourable Members from all parties as well as noble Lords in the other place, the shadow Foreign Secretary, and several of my predecessors as Foreign Secretary. I am proud of that unity, which is a tribute to our country; proud of this country’s unwavering support for our Ukrainian friends; and proud that the United Kingdom is rightly taking on the responsibility of bringing our allies together. That is how we confront a foreign policy based on lies, and how we secure Ukraine’s future, secure Europe’s future, and face down a Kremlin dictator once again. Slava Ukraini. I commend this Statement to the House”.

19:52:00

My Lords, I start by expressing my full support for His Majesty’s Government and for the unequivocal stance that they have taken in standing with Ukraine against Russia’s brutal and illegal war. Three years ago, the world watched in horror as Vladimir Putin launched his full-scale invasion. It was an act of aggression, not just against Ukraine but against the very principles of sovereignty, democracy and the rule of law. Today, as we mark three years of heroic Ukrainian resistance, we must recommit ourselves to ensuring that Ukraine not only survives but prevails. The Foreign Secretary was right to remind the other place of the long history of Russian imperialism and deception. The Kremlin has repeatedly violated international agreements, treating diplomacy as a means of delay rather than resolution, and we cannot allow history to repeat itself. Strength is the only language that Putin understands, and strength is what we must demonstrate. I am proud that the UK has played a leading role in supporting Ukraine from the very beginning. Under the previous Conservative Government, we were the first European nation to provide lethal aid. We trained tens of thousands of Ukrainian troops, and we led the world in sanctioning Russian assets. That proud legacy of leadership continues under this Government, and I welcome the Prime Minister’s and the Foreign Secretary’s commitment to ensuring that the UK remains at the forefront of international support. We were the first mover on vital lethal aid, such as Challenger 2 battle tanks and Storm Shadow missiles, and we brought other countries along with us. We were also one of the very first to provide a cast-iron, multi-billion, multi-year funding pledge for military aid. All of that was the right thing to do, and we stand by it totally. Let me be clear: there can be no retreat, no wavering and no false compromises. A just peace cannot be dictated by Moscow, nor can it be one that rewards aggression. Ukraine must be the arbiter of its own future. We must ensure that any settlement guarantees its sovereignty, secures its territorial integrity and provides iron-clad security against any future Russian aggression. To achieve that, we must all accept that we must do more, however politically difficult that will be. The UK has already committed £3 billion annually in military aid for as long as it takes. That commitment is right and necessary and we commend the Government for it, but we must also work with our European allies to ensure that they are stepping up to the plate. Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security, and that includes increasing defence spending and accelerating the provision of military support. We welcome the Government’s announcement of that earlier today. I wish the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary well on their forthcoming visit to Washington DC. Our transatlantic partnership is vital, and I hope that it will be able to continue. But, like many people, I was profoundly shocked by last night’s UN vote. I never thought I would see, in my lifetime, the United States voting with North Korea, Russia and Iran against its own NATO partners for the first time since 1945. It was profoundly disturbing for all of us who believe in the transatlantic relationship, and it should be a wake-up call for us all. We can only hope that the many sensible voices in the US and Congress can perhaps, at some stage, talk some sense into Trump. Sanctions remain a crucial tool in this fight. The Government’s latest package, targeting over 100 entities including Russia’s shadow fleet of oil tankers, is a significant step, but I hope the Minister will accept that we can do a lot more. We are buying more Russian fertiliser than we used to buy before the war, and there are still Russian LNG tankers that are unsanctioned and still transporting gas to Europe and elsewhere. We must continue to tighten the economic vice on the Kremlin, ensuring that Putin’s war machine is starved of resources. The Government will have our full support if they choose to do that. Additionally, the UK’s willingness to contribute to Ukraine’s future security, including the potential deployment of British personnel, while a very serious step, sends a powerful message. It demonstrates our long-term commitment to Ukraine’s defence and to the stability of Europe. At this profoundly disturbing time, the stakes could not be higher. If Putin is allowed to succeed in Ukraine, we all know that he will not stop there. Moldova, the Baltics and beyond will be all at risk, particularly with the current US Administration. Authoritarian regimes around the world are watching. They are calculating what they can get away with. We must make it clear that aggression does not pay, that democracy will not be cowed and that the free world stands united. I commend the Government for their steadfast leadership. This is a time for resolve and not for hesitation, for action and not just for rhetoric. The United Kingdom should never falter, and Ukraine should never stand alone.

My Lords, from these Benches I am very happy to associate myself with the noble Lord’s comments with regards to supporting the Government, as we did with the former Government. The noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, who is in his place, will know that I supported the previous Administration’s approach. The noble Lord closed by referring to the free world being united; it is no fault of any of our political parties that the free world is no longer united, given the Trump Administration. It is a time for us to consider very carefully how we, with our European and other allies around the world who believe in genuine democracy, will support democracy. It is worth reminding ourselves that the Putin plan was activated in February 2022 with a timeframe of three days. It had been planned that President Zelensky was either to be detained or assassinated. The Verkhovna Rada, the Ukrainian Parliament, was to be attacked and then dissolved and the Ukrainian people to have a puppet regime imposed on them. That was meant to happen in three days. Three years later, the bravery and the fortitude of the Ukrainian people, led by inspiring leaders and enduring a further war winter in terrible physical and psychological danger and stress, should be an inspiration for us all. The fact that, under unbearable conditions, Ukraine’s democratic and representative functions continue should also be an inspiration for any democracy, not the source of an attack by a leading democracy led by Trump and Musk. The Minister knows that I have supported, since the current Labour Government have been in place, the sanctions and measures that have been introduced, and we will continue to do so. I welcome the sanctions that were announced today, especially those that seek to reduce the dark fleet, as well as the Russian war economy. We have played our part in the cross-party consensus in approving these measures, but we have also sought, in a constructive manner, to ensure that the Russian war economy does not exploit loopholes or circumvent sanctions with trading partners. We have been able to have unanimity but also frank exchanges in this Parliament, because that is what democratic Parliaments do. We have also sought to raise the need to do more with our trading partners, who have seen an opportunity to profit from the war without contributing to the peace, be it Dubai or Delhi, seeking more investment from the former without penalty for financing the Kremlin, or, in the latter case, seeking conditionality in trade deal talks that we are now opening up again with India, potentially offering market access and energy to those who are purchasing energy from the Kremlin. We have to be frank with our allies that we have standards in both our trade and our diplomacy, and therefore we want to see that reflected in our agreements with them. It is also why we have sought to continue the pressure not just for utilising the resource from assets that have been frozen but to seize them. We have debated this in this Chamber before, and the Minister has heard my comments on it. What has happened now with the Trump Administration, and in the vote in the Security Council, and Trump seeking to blackmail Zelensky over mineral rights, is that, frankly, any Russian assets that are seized should now be immobilised against being used by the Putin regime as part of some form of reward for doing a deal which excludes the Ukrainian people. There should be no moveable assets to reward this. There should be no impunity for this aggression, and therefore we should be using the capital of the assets for the benefit of the Ukrainian people. I agree that we must counter a foreign policy based on lies, as the Statement says. The worry, with the vote in the UN Security Council, is that, increasingly, it is hard to disaggregate the lies and falsehoods from our strongest ally, not necessarily just from our strategic adversary in the Kremlin. As the Polish Foreign Minister put it, the new world is one where we now are seeing the reputation not just of the Trump Administration being put in question, but America as a whole. Given that our relationship with America is so important to our national security and diplomacy, this has to be something of consideration. Therefore, I close by making the point that the debate we held in this House under my noble friend Lady Northover about the need to protect the rules-based international order was prescient. This is now an urgent matter for the United Kingdom. When it comes to the decision of the Trump Administration to demolish USAID and destroy the reputation of America, the UK response should have been filling the gap, seeing a strategic opportunity for us to expand our soft power and have a debate which means that our national security is one where we keep our people safe but we build up coalitions around the world, we prevent conflict and we work to remove the incentives for conflict, which could be hunger and migration. The response to what is happening in America is for us to expand our international development, not to cut it by a bigger margin than the previous Government. This is sending the worst signal at the worst time about where the United Kingdom stands. We all support the increase of our national security defence expenditure. It should not be funded on the backs of the most vulnerable in the world, when, ultimately, for our security at home we are seeking to have coalitions abroad. I hope the Government will reconsider.

My Lords, we have discussed Ukraine many times in this Chamber, and on every single occasion we have done so there has been close agreement between all parties. I particularly commend the words of the noble Lord, Lord Callanan; he put the case for the Opposition incredibly well and he is supporting this Government as we endeavoured to support his Government when they were in power. And this matters: it is incredibly important that, as a country, we stand together on this issue and I am very proud of the way that this Chamber and the other place have done that again this week. A just peace means Ukraine at the centre of any resolution. We all agree on that; we have said that consistently and that has not changed. The noble Lord is right to highlight the importance of the transatlantic relationship. We are all aware of what happened last night, but the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary will be going to Washington tomorrow and they will have the conversations that we would want them to have and that we would be proud to see them have on behalf of our country, making clear our position of support for Ukraine, which is in no way diminished. On sanctions, we continued with a new raft of sanctions to mark the third anniversary. It is very important that we have the support expressed in terms by the Opposition and the Liberal Democrat Benches. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, is absolutely right to continue, as he has done from the very beginning, to look for where we need to go next and to push us and to keep saying, “Why not here? Why not do this? What about these other considerations you could make?” That is right and welcome. We thank him for it and we hope that he continues in that way. We thank him for reminding us of the bravery of the people of Ukraine. It is worth repeating that this was anticipated to be a short invasion. Zelensky was meant to leave. The world today was meant to be very different from what we see. Thanks to the bravery of the people of Ukraine and the leadership of President Zelensky, we find that Russia is in a situation where it is having to go to North Korea in order to shore up its troops. That has not happened by accident; it has happened because of the resolution of the United Kingdom and its allies and the people of Ukraine. On the decision to change our development spending to 0.3% to support our defence spending rising to 2.5%, of course this is controversial and not a decision that any Labour Government would wish to make. We created the Department for International Development and we are very proud of it. We are proud, too, of the impact that our aid spending has had across the world over many years. But the world has changed and we have to be able to invest in our armed forces and in new technology that will keep us safe. I accept what the noble Lord says about the impact that this will have in some places around the world—of course I do. But I am convinced—and I disagree with him on what he said—that actually increasing our defence spending to 2.5% will keep people safe. That is not just people here. It will enable us to prevent conflict; it will enable us to secure Ukraine; and it will provide stability around the world. Sometimes, it is about the tough choices. There is no doubt that this was a tough choice, but I am glad that our Prime Minister was able to make it. He made it quickly and clearly and he will not be rethinking it. We have made our decision. We want to get back to spending more on international development when we can. That relies on growing the economy, which is a key focus of this Government. I hear what he says and I respect what he says, but I have to disagree on that point tonight. Having said all that, there is no reason that anyone should feel that they cannot continue to press us on this. When it comes to Ukraine, what matters most is that we are united and we maintain our firm and clear position of support, and that any negotiation has the people of Ukraine and their leadership at its centre.

20:09:00

My Lords, I will focus on the issues of justice and accountability. It is good that both the Defence Minister and the Attorney-General are present on the Government Front Bench. Can I get the Minister’s reassurance that we will continue to focus on the missing children of Ukraine and on the support we have given for the prevention of sexual violence in conflict? Will the prosecutor general’s office continue to ensure that the perpetrators of crime can be held accountable for their heinous crimes?

I am very happy to provide that assurance to the noble Lord. I thank him for the work that he did while in government, of which he should be very proud. The situation with the children is one that I think wakes many of us at night. We must do whatever we can, and whatever is possible, to get those children home where they belong.

My Lords, the foundations of what we have taken for granted in the West, possibly since the Second World War but certainly since the fall of the Berlin Wall, are being put in question by the actions of Mr Trump. It is good that we hear today a remarkable consensus from all sides of the House. I hope that that will be heard not just in Ukraine but in Europe, and even among our friends in the United States. I wonder what has happened to those voices in the US that were so vocal about the strength and importance of the transatlantic alliance. Three years ago, on the very eve of the invasion—and it was an invasion, pace President Trump—I was at the NATO headquarters in Brussels receiving a briefing. I was told at that time that if the Russians were to invade, Kyiv would fall within three or four days. It did not fall. Why? Because of their bravery, yes, but because of the national morale of the people of Ukraine. There are lessons there for us as a country on the importance of morale at a time of warfare. It is so important now to see the changes that have taken place and to send out the clear message that we must rally round our friends in Ukraine. There must also be a clear message, from all sides of the House, that in this new world we must put any anti-European ideology aside and be ready to join with our European partners, not just those within the European Union. We must look at ways of sharing our common response. We must get the message through that we stand together and have much to contribute, through our military and intelligence, to our friends in Europe. I am sure my noble friend will agree with my sentiments about bravery, the morale of the people of Ukraine, and the need now to work more closely with our European friends.

My noble friend speaks from a position of great knowledge and experience. I agree with him that it is vital that we work closely and co-ordinate with all our allies, and continue to make the case that it is for the people of Ukraine and their leadership to determine next steps. Obviously, we have to work harder at that now than perhaps we have done previously, but that is a task that I am proud that our Prime Minister is prepared for and is undertaking.

My Lords, the Minister says that unity in the House is important. That is a clear message that we need to send out tonight. My noble friend knows that the threat from Russia is obviously a military one, but it is also in the grey zone as well. The Intelligence and Security Committee, which I sit on, produced a report in 2020 that highlighted the effects of the Russian disinformation campaign in this country and the use of the City of London as a laundromat. I therefore welcome the sanctions that were announced yesterday. What more can be done, certainly with our overseas territories, to find out where money is being laundered and to stop the abuse that is continuing?

This is an important point and, as my noble friend would expect, we work very closely with our overseas territories on this issue. He spoke about misinformation, and that is something we work hard on. We should commend our partners, such as the World Service, the British Council and our other soft power partners. The work that they do is sometimes overlooked and underappreciated, but they are very effective at countering this misinformation. That is something we need to spend more time considering, and we might want to invest in some of that as well.

My Lords, the Minister has just made an excellent point that I suspect many around this Chamber would agree with: spending more money on the British Council and soft power would be extremely valuable. The noble Lord, Lord Callanan, mentioned the UN vote, when the United States voted with North Korea and Russia. Slovakia also voted with them—Slovakia is one of the countries that is potentially in Putin’s sights. Beyond that, there are many countries in the Commonwealth that have either abstained or voted against us on the Ukrainian question over the last three years. Does the Minister agree that we should be talking more with our Commonwealth partners? Reducing development aid reduces an opportunity for us to export our influence and will simply pave the way for Russia and China to take a greater role globally.

We talk about Ukraine in every interaction that we have with all our partners, whether they are in the Commonwealth or not. To that extent, the noble Baroness is right. When we cut our official development assistance spend, there is clearly a trade-off, so the noble Baroness is right. What she says is not completely wrong. We have to make these difficult choices, but having a Ministry of Defence that is underpowered and underresourced would have not just a hard power but a soft power impact.

My Lords, the Minister commended the Ukrainian people on their heroic bravery, and I commend President Zelensky as well. Does the Minister agree with me that, ultimately, their front line is our front line?

That is completely right, and I thank the noble Lord for reminding us of it. The idea that this conflict does not directly affect the people of the United Kingdom is wrong. It is important that we remind people in our country that the conflict in Ukraine and the invasion by Russia are a threat to our security here.

My Lords, the House has been united on Ukraine and I hope it will be united in wishing the Prime Minister well in his visit to Washington. The Statement we are discussing now should have been taken in conjunction with the Statement made by the Prime Minister in another place about defence spending. Does my noble friend agree that the world is changing before our eyes? The recent UN vote, to which reference has already been made, is the most dramatic example from the last 80 years of the fact that we may have to face a future in which the protection of America is not there, in the way that it has been all my life.

The world is changing. It changed when Russia invaded Ukraine, and we have tried to respond as best we can to support the people of Ukraine ever since. I am glad that we have a Prime Minister who is clear in what he thinks about this. He is very persuasive and he will take his message to Washington to discuss it respectfully with President Trump, as we would want. We agree with President Trump’s desire to see peace in Ukraine. Yes, there are things to talk about and there may be some differences. We should be very clear but relaxed about them, and make sure that our Prime Minister has our support when he goes to make that case. I fully expect a respectful dialogue in Washington, and I look forward to hearing the outcome of those conversations.

My Lords, we have heard about soft power but we should also hear about hybrid warfare. We are already under attack from hybrid warfare and, the further east you go, the more intense that warfare is. Can the Minister assure your Lordships’ House that the Government are taking this seriously and are working properly with our European partners to counter the softening-up process that goes before the next stage, which is happening in the countries that have already been mentioned?

My noble friend made the point that this Statement might well have been taken in conjunction with the Statement that the Prime Minister made earlier today in the other place. The changes to defence spending will not be just more of the same; there will be a particular focus on the things that he discussed. The strategic defence review is about to complete as well. The noble Lord’s point is well made and is something that the Government are carefully considering.

My Lords, I first raise the issue that was raised by the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad. In our discussions with our European allies, I hope that we press them to press the United States to make sure that the children who have been stolen by Russia, and remain behind Russian lines in this conflict, are part of any future agreement to bring the conflict to an end. I was very proud of the Prime Minister and the UK last week, when he took a firm stand in support of Ukraine in the face of the global turmoil in politics, not just in diplomacy. I was proud again today when he announced an increase in defence spending, but I will not feel proud when I next meet somebody who lost their medicines or whose school closed because of the decisions that the Cabinet made this morning. I am particularly concerned that we did not first go after the Russian assets in London that could have helped finance some of that gap. What actions are the Government taking to go after Russian assets that we have already either seized or sanctioned? What specific action are we taking to release the money from the sale of Chelsea Football Club that could fund humanitarian programmes in Ukraine and beyond?

We are working very hard on the Chelsea Football Club issue. It is quite difficult legally, but my noble friend is right to remind us about it and we are working on it at pace. I hear what he says about development spending and I would expect him to say nothing else. This is not a decision that anyone has taken lightly or glibly; it is a decision that had to be taken, because we needed to act quickly in this situation. We must go after Russian assets as well, but we needed to take this decision today to make sure that we have the investment in defence to provide the stability and security that we all need.

My Lords—

My Lords—

May we hear from the Greens first?

Of course.

I thank the noble Lord. First, I wish to add the Green Party voice to the widespread expressions of solidarity with Ukraine as a nation and the Ukrainian people. We are having this discussion in the shadow of the US lining up with Russia, Iran and North Korea. As the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, said, it is a wake-up call for us all; I agree with him. Does the Minister agree with me that we need to work with a wide range of other states—European states, obviously, but states around the world that are constructive, co-operative and reliable—and that that demands diplomacy, official development assistance, other soft power arrangements and tackling human security issues such as the climate chaos, food insecurity and cyber issues? By taking money from the aid budget and putting it into defence, are the Government not simply robbing Peter to pay Paul? A more secure and more stable world is better for the Ukrainians and obviously better for us. We do, after all, have an integrated review of security, defence, development and foreign policy. Do we not have to look at the world that way?

The noble Baroness is not wrong. Obviously, it would be great to be able to do all the things that she describes everywhere that we would like to do them, but we have to be honest and realistic. At this moment, we had to make a decision to invest more in defence for the reasons that we all understand. It is a trade-off. This is not a decision with no consequence or that we are entirely pleased to be making, but one that I am proud that we have made. It is a clear choice. It will keep the world and our citizens safer. That is the right thing for this Government to have done.

My Lords—

My Lords—

My Lords, we will hear from the Conservative Benches next, after the Cross Benches.

My Lords, the sum of £3 billion per annum has been mentioned as our contribution to Ukraine, and that indeed is very commendable. I wonder whether it could be increased or whether it is limited in two ways: by the ability to produce new equipment and by the amount by which we have to withdraw from our own front line and munition stocks of our capability in order to support Ukraine.

Part of the defence review will examine exactly that question. What has become clear as this conflict has progressed is that part of the battle is about defence production and capability, so our decisions on spending today will enable us to support Ukraine more securely into the future.

My Lords, is the Minister aware that many of us on these Benches are deeply appreciative of the action taken by the Prime Minister? He has had to make unbelievably difficult decisions, but the problem is that he will have to make even more difficult decisions in the future.

That is undoubtedly true, but I believe that he is the right person to be in that particular role at this particular time, because making difficult decisions is his job and what he is good at. I think he made a good decision today, and I have every confidence that he will continue in that way.

My noble friend mentioned the strategic defence review. Clearly, that is important in this context, but it strikes me that we are in a totally new situation that I, for one, did not anticipate within the last year. If necessary, perhaps the review needs to be delayed to take account of this totally new situation and a new form of warfare that we are going to have to pursue.

I hear what my noble friend is saying, and things are undoubtedly moving quickly, but I do not think that starting the defence review again would be the right way to move forward with this. The noble Lord, Lord Robertson, will be very well aware of what has happened and the consequences, and I have every confidence that that will be reflected very well in his report when we get it.

My Lords, can I ask about expertise within the Government on Europe and the Russian sphere, so to speak? I well remember that there used to be a very good Soviet cadre, and an extremely good European cadre, within the Foreign Office. Both were run down under the past Government, but it is very clear that what we are now dealing with has implications not just for Ukraine but for Georgia, Moldova, Belarus and Kazakhstan. We need to know and speak to people in those countries about the implications of what we are doing for the broader region, and we clearly need to have a great deal more expertise and links with large and small European countries. I remember going to Slovakia some years ago and discovering that there were only two UK-based people in our Bratislava embassy. I suggest that one of the things we now need to look at is beefing up our contacts at all levels with that sort of Government.

That is a very interesting point. Clearly, it is right that the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office constantly reviews where it places resources to reflect changing circumstances. That work does take place. I will take back the noble Lord’s comments about expertise and where that needs to be more keenly focused. He makes a good point that the Foreign Secretary and the Permanent Secretary at the Foreign Office will want to consider.