My Lords, the Rock of Gibraltar has now been British for over 300 years. In 2002, 99% of Gibraltarians rejected the notion of shared sovereignty with Spain and reaffirmed their allegiance, in no uncertain terms, to Britain.
It is against this background that we must consider the Government’s agreement on Gibraltar, to test whether it puts the interests of the Gibraltarians and, of course, our own national interests, first. We are clear that nothing agreed can compromise or infringe the sovereignty and constitutional arrangements of Gibraltar, which should remain British.
The deal must ensure that we are able to operate our military base on the Rock, as we have done until now, to safeguard our defensive capabilities. We are also clear that the deal must be backed by the Government of Gibraltar and, crucially, Gibraltar’s people, to support their interests. It must also address the concerns about the actions of Spain to frustrate and prevent the free flow of goods across the border.
It is vital that these Houses have time to carefully and properly scrutinise the deal that the Government have reached over Gibraltar. I hope that the Minister will join me in recognising the importance of proper oversight and scrutiny if this is to be regarded as a legitimate and proper arrangement. Can the Minister therefore confirm when the House will get to see the full details of the deal and the treaty? Given the importance of the issue, will the Minister commit to making time available for a full discussion of this matter?
One of the reasons that I feel it is so vital that we in these Houses are able to properly scrutinise the treaty is that I seriously question the Government’s ability to negotiate a good deal on behalf of the UK. I need only mention—I am sure that the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, will twist her face at this stage—the Government’s deal on Chagos as an example of poor negotiation.
While this agreement may not be as egregious as Chagos, it is none the less, in my view, flawed. We have seen numerous concessions made to Madrid, which potentially threaten core principles that should underpin any agreement. One of the most significant is the end of Gibraltar’s long-standing VAT-free regime—a central and persistent demand from Spain.
Despite clear and repeated objections from both the UK Government and the Government of Gibraltar, the agreement will also permit Spanish police officers to operate at Gibraltar’s airport. Furthermore, passengers arriving from the UK will now be subject to dual checks, first by Gibraltarian authorities and then by Spanish officials acting on behalf of the EU.
The Foreign Secretary in the other place was at pains to point out that this is not Gibraltar joining Schengen, yet apparently Spanish border officials will be able to stop any British citizen entering Gibraltar if their previous stays have exceeded the 90-day Schengen limit, even if they have no intention of travelling into Spain. Is this in fact true? In what other circumstances will Spanish officials be able to deny the entry of British citizens into Gibraltar? To take another example, the passport requirements for entering Gibraltar are different from those required to enter the EU. To enter Gibraltar, a British citizen needs only a passport valid for the length of their stay in Gibraltar. To enter the EU, you need one valid for three months. So will a British subject with a passport valid for, say, two months be admitted by Gibraltarian officials but then refused entry by Spanish officials?
The Foreign Secretary in the other place stated that our vital military base would be unaffected by this agreement, but what about service personnel arriving at the airport? Will they need to be checked and approved by the Spanish? That might sound a little far-fetched, but there was a fascinating report in the Telegraph only this morning about a military exercise involving British paratroopers parachuting on to the Swedish island of Gotland to reinforce our Swedish NATO partners. All well and good, you might think, but what was the first thing those troops had to do on landing? They had to report to a mobile border control van to clear immigration control. Luckily, this was only an exercise, as I am not entirely convinced that a hostile Russian invasion force would happily wait around for bureaucratic formalities to be concluded before opening fire.
These are concessions that risk diminishing Gibraltar’s status as a distinct jurisdiction. So I ask the Minister: does she accept that a good negotiation involves standing firm on one’s principles, not merely acquiescing to the demands of the other side? From where we stand, it appears that a great many of our priorities have been sidelined and far too many of our red lines quietly erased by this Government. Could the Minister confirm whether the red lines that the last Government set out with the Government of Gibraltar have been met, or whether, during the negotiations and since Labour took office last year, there has been any divergence from them?
The Foreign Secretary in the other place made great play of the insertion of a clause “explicitly protecting our sovereignty”. Great, we think—yet the Spanish Prime Minister, in his tweet welcoming this agreement, concluded by saying, “All this without renouncing Spanish claims to the isthmus and the return of Gibraltar”. Could the Minister tell us who is right, the Foreign Secretary or the Spanish Prime Minister?
These Houses have a responsibility to scrutinise the agreement, not only in the interests of constitutional principle but out of respect for the people of Gibraltar, who have consistently and overwhelmingly affirmed their wish to remain British. The arrangements set out by the Government raise some serious questions and deserve to be answered and discussed in a proper debate. The people of Gibraltar deserve our full support, transparency, proper scrutiny and a deal that reflects their rights, their status and their British identity. Any agreement that we reach over Gibraltar must respect those rights, and I hope the Minister is able to answer these questions fully in her response.