Conflict in Gaza

Statement

The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on Thursday 20 March.

“With the permission of the House, I shall make a Statement about the conflict in Gaza. In January, I outlined to the House the deal agreed between Israel and Hamas. It was a moment of huge hope and relief. In the weeks that followed, hostages cruelly detained by Hamas were reunited with their families, and aid blocked by Israel finally flooded into Gaza. A path out of this horrendous conflict appeared open. It is therefore a matter of deep regret that I have to update the House today on a breakdown of the ceasefire and yet more bloodshed in Gaza.

On the night of 18 March, Israel launched air strikes across Gaza. A number of Hamas figures were reportedly killed, but it has been reported that over 400 Palestinians were killed in missile strikes and artillery barrages. The majority of them were women and children. This appears to have been the deadliest single day for Palestinians since the war began. This is an appalling loss of life, and we mourn the loss of every civilian.

Yesterday morning, a UN compound in Gaza was hit. I can confirm to the House that a British national was among the wounded. Our priority is supporting them and their family at this time. Gaza has been the most dangerous place in the world to be an aid worker, and I share the outrage of the UN Secretary-General Guterres at this incident. The Government call for a transparent investigation, and for those responsible to be held to account.

The UK is working closely with partners, such as France and Germany, to send a clear message. We strongly oppose Israel’s resumption of hostilities. We urgently want to see a return to a ceasefire. More bloodshed is in no one’s interest. Hamas must release all the hostages, and negotiations must resume. Diplomacy is the one way to achieve security for both Israelis and Palestinians. The House will know that the ceasefire in Gaza had lasted for almost two months—the result of dogged efforts by Egypt, Qatar and the United States. The deal reached in January saw the nightmare of captivity for 30 hostages end, and the bodies of eight further victims of Hamas returned to their loved ones. We all remember the joy of seeing Emily Damari reunited with her mother and family. Desperately needed aid began to flow back into Gaza—food, medicines, fuel and tents. Children in Gaza had respite from relentless fear. The severely injured could cross the border again for treatment. Palestinians had begun to return to their homes, and to consider how to rebuild their lives.

In the first days of the ceasefire, the UK moved swiftly to invest in the peace. We released £17 million in additional emergency humanitarian funding for the promised surge in aid. We brought our total support this year for Palestinians across the region to £129 million. We accelerated work on the pathway to reconstruction, supporting our Arab partners’ very welcome recent initiative. We worked at every level to support negotiations for a permanent ceasefire and the return of every single hostage in a backed extension to phase 1 of the current deal.

But negotiations have been gridlocked for several weeks. Hamas has been resisting calls for the release of further hostages in return for a longer truce. Israeli forces did not begin to withdraw from the Philadelphi corridor as agreed, and on 2 March, the Israeli Government announced that they were blocking all further aid deliveries until Hamas agreed to their terms. For weeks now, supplies of basic goods and electricity have been blocked, leaving over half a million civilians once again cut off from clean drinking water and sparking a 200% surge in the price of some basic foodstuffs—a boon to those criminals who use violence to control supplies.

As I told the House on Monday, this is appalling and unacceptable. Ultimately, of course, these are matters for the courts, not Governments, to determine, but it is difficult to see how denying humanitarian assistance to a civilian population can be compatible with international humanitarian law. Although it is important to say that I could have been a little clearer in the House on Monday, our position remains that Israel’s actions in Gaza are a clear risk of breaching international humanitarian law.

The consequences of the ceasefire’s breakdown are catastrophic. For the families and friends of the remaining 59 hostages, including Avinatan Or, the agony goes on. Hamas’s kidnapping of those people and treatment of them in captivity, the cruel theatre of their release, depriving them of food and basic rights—those are acts of despicable cruelty. Hamas must release them all now.

Palestinian civilians, who have already endured so much, now must fear a re-run and a return to days of death, deprivation and destruction. Civilians have once again been issued with evacuation orders by Israel. Only 4% of the United Nations flash appeal is funded—not even enough to get through to the end of this month. Health centres have had to close, even as the devastated Gazan health service has to treat another surge of those wounded in strikes.

Hamas can have no role in Gaza’s future, but a collapsed ceasefire will not bring the hostages home to their families, an endless conflict will not bring long-term security to Israel, and a deepening war will only set back the course of regional normalisation and risk further instability, shortly after the Houthis resumed their unacceptable threats to shipping in the Red Sea.

Since the renewed outbreak of hostilities, I have spoken to Secretary Rubio, to EU High Representative Kallas and to UN emergency co-ordinator Tom Fletcher, and I will shortly speak to my Israeli counterpart Gideon Sa’ar and Palestinian Prime Minister Mustafa. We and our partners need to persuade the parties that this conflict cannot be resolved by military means. We want Israel and Hamas to re-engage with negotiations. We continue to condemn Hamas, of course, for its actions on 7 October, its refusal to release the hostages, and its ongoing threat to Israel, but we are also resolute in calling on Israel to abide by international law, lift the unacceptable restrictions on aid and demand the protection of civilians.

Many months ago, only weeks into office, I concluded that there was a clear risk of Israel breaching international humanitarian law in Gaza. It was that risk, which I first set out in the House back in September, that meant that the Government suspended relevant export licences for items for use by the Israel Defense Forces in military operations in Gaza. The actions of last week only reinforced that conclusion. In the days and weeks ahead, we will redouble our efforts to restore a ceasefire, but we will also continue to work with our partners on the security, governance and reconstruction arrangements. Those issues are not going away. There remains no military solution to this conflict. A two-state solution remains the only path to a just and lasting peace.

At this Dispatch Box in January, I called the ceasefire deal

‘a glimmer of light in the darkness’.—[Official Report, Commons, 16/1/25; col. 511.]

It feels like the darkness has returned. Former British hostage Emily Damari said that the resumption of fighting left her heartbroken, crushed and disappointed. I am sure that she speaks for the whole House. But we must preserve hope for the sake of the remaining hostages and their loved ones, for the people of Gaza, and for the future of two peoples who have suffered so much for so long. We will keep striving for a return to the path to peace. I commend the Statement to the House”.

17:09:00

My Lords, I am sure that Members across both Houses mourn the many innocent lives lost to date in this appalling conflict. I know that colleagues on all sides of your Lordships’ House will join me in sending our sympathies and thoughts to all those who have been affected, including the British national injured in last week’s air strikes. In his Statement in the other place last week, the Foreign Secretary confirmed that he was in the process of making representations to the Israeli Government to find out more about the investigations they were undertaking into the recent air strikes that were undertaken against targets in Gaza. Could the Minister provide an update to the House on the outcome of those talks and any information the Foreign Secretary has received from his Israeli counterparts? This conflict has seen death, destruction and human suffering across a large area of the Middle East. Many lives have been irrevocably changed, and futures are uncertain for many thousands of people. We must never forget that the fault for this tragic situation lies squarely with Hamas—a murderous, viscerally antisemitic terrorist organisation. It kidnapped children, raped and mutilated women and girls, and massacred young people who were simply enjoying a music festival. According to Israeli news reports, Hamas has now fired over 4,300 rockets at civilian targets and inflicted the single deadliest anti-Jewish pogrom since the Holocaust. Hamas has deliberately entrenched itself in civilian communities to bring innocent people into the line of fire in the war that it has itself created, and it has acted in a way designed and intended to bring about the maximum amount of suffering for civilians across the region. The power to end this conflict lies with Hamas. It could agree to release the people it has imprisoned as hostages now and avert any further escalation in this conflict. I therefore ask the Minister: what are the Government doing to support efforts to secure the release of the hostages? Do the Government believe that phase 2 of the ceasefire remains within reach or are alternative solutions being considered? What are the Government doing to make sure that Hamas will never have a role in Gaza’s future? The UK’s relationship with Israel is vital to ensure that we can support those affected by this terrible conflict and the only way that we can play a role in bringing it to an end. Israel must continue to see the UK as a trusted partner if we are to continue to play a role not only in bringing about an end to this war but in supporting peace and stability across the entire Middle East. I therefore ask the Minister what the Government are doing to strengthen this relationship. Have the comments made by the Foreign Secretary last week, which I am pleased to say he has now withdrawn, affected the trust between our two nations? Finally, ensuring that aid gets to those communities affected by this conflict is one of the most important roles we can play amid the suffering that is taking place. Thousands of innocent people are suffering and we must do all we can to make sure that food and medicine get to those who need it. I close by asking the Minister what discussions the Government have held with the Israeli Government on the question of getting aid routes unblocked. What has happened to British aid that is already present in the region or en route? Furthermore, what assessment have the Government made of how we can better support the affected communities? What more could we be doing to support the vital work of the International Committee of the Red Cross?

My Lords, the ferocity of the return to war has shocked many. Even in the days since the Statement was made in the House of Commons, we have seen strikes within Lebanese territory as well. Can the Minister update us on the contact His Majesty’s Government have had with the Lebanese Government regarding to the situation in Lebanon? I have twice asked the Development Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, whether she would be open to meeting with me and female Lebanese MPs who are at the heart of trying to design reconstruction that does not entrench the confessional system but offers new hope. But, alas, with the strikes in Lebanon, that hope, as well as that with regard to the hostage families, must now be teetering. Indeed, reading, as I did—I quoted it in the Chamber—the statement from the hostage families of their shock and anger at the Netanyahu Government’s resumption of war was really depressing, because it dashes what many have had: finally, the prospect of hope. So can the Minister update us on the Government’s assessment of the process that was brokered by Qatar? Is it a process that the Government consider can still be retrieved or do the actions we are seeing within Gaza and Lebanon now require a separate process? What discussions have the Government had with our Qatari and Egyptian colleagues? It should be noted that the restart of the war has seen an even higher proportion of victims being women and children than before the ceasefire. The availability of food and medicine is even less than it was then. Yet again, civilians are being treated disproportionately and are also being forcibly moved to new areas where there is no food, shelter, water or medicine. That qualifies as a war crime. I asked the Minister last week whether it was the Government’s view that there is a prima facie case of international human humanitarian law being breached. What actions are we taking beyond those taken last July with the limited suspension of certain export licences? I turn to the Arab peace plan and the Government’s assessment of the overall prospects for reconstruction if there is some form of peace—even though not many people will be optimistic about that. What faith can we put in the judgment of the United States envoy, Steve Witkoff, who the Foreign Secretary said in his Statement we were speaking to but who in recent days has ridiculed our Prime Minister as a poseur and posturer over Ukraine, regards the war criminal Putin not as a war criminal or a bad guy but as a gracious and good guy, and has said that Ukraine is “a false country”? If that is the envoy’s judgment on Ukraine, what faith can we have in his judgment on the reconstruction of Gaza? What is our position on the Arab plan? Is it one that the United Kingdom is supporting directly or are we sympathetic to what the Trump Administration have been saying? We have also, regrettably, seen certain extremist elements of Israeli politics rejoin the Netanyahu Administration. This is of concern not just to people in this Parliament but to civil society in Israel itself. We have seen the attacks on the judiciary, the statements for annexation of parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, the unprecedented sacking of the internal intelligence chief and the active encouragement of settler violence. Most surely, we cannot have a relationship with the Netanyahu Administration in the normal manner. So, what actions are the UK taking to prevent settler violence and annexation? What are our red lines for our diplomatic relations with the Netanyahu Administration? Finally, one of the issues that must now be an imperative is recognition, because, even at a time of great humanitarian danger, there is one element we can provide: hope for statehood. We had a very good debate—and all Members were able to express their views, in favour and against—on the recognition Bill brought by my noble friend Lady Northover. I understand that it is the Government’s position that now is not the time for recognition and that they will make a judgment on when it is the appropriate time for recognition. What factors would need to be in place that are not in place now for us to consider that the time would be right? At the end of the day, with the danger that the civilians are seeing, one of the elements that can provide hope is recognition. These Benches believe in this, and I hope the Government can at least move and give more hope to the Palestinian people.

I thank both noble Lords for their contributions, comments and questions. We all share deep concern about the resumption of Israeli military action in Gaza, and the United Kingdom does not support a return to fighting. It is absolutely not in anybody’s interests and, certainly, the reported civilian casualties resulting from the renewed outbreak of hostilities are appalling. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that aid must immediately be allowed back into Gaza. We have urged all parties to return urgently to talks, implement the ceasefire agreement in full, release the hostages and work towards a permanent peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. That is absolutely the key. Picking up on the point from the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, about when the right time for recognition is, the right time is when we see a clear pathway to a negotiated settlement. That is what the former Foreign Secretary, the noble Lord, Lord Cameron, said. It is what we have repeatedly said. It should be an aid towards securing a proper process for achieving a longer-term settlement that sees security for Israel and nationhood for the Palestinians, and them working peacefully together. I say to the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, that the Foreign Secretary has been absolutely embraced in terms of communicating our concerns and how we could reach, in particular, access for aid into Gaza. The Foreign Secretary has recently spoken to Secretary Rubio, EU High Representative Kallas and the UN emergency relief co-ordinator, Tom Fletcher. On 21 March, he also spoke to his Israeli counterpart, Gideon Sa’ar, and he plans to speak to Palestinian PM Mustafa shortly. The UK made statements in the UN Security Council on Tuesday 18 March and Friday 21 March. We joined the G7 Foreign Ministers’ statement the week before. An E3 Foreign Ministers’ statement issued on Friday 21 March called on all parties to re-engage with negotiations to ensure that the ceasefire is implemented in full and becomes permanent. In his Statement last Thursday, the Foreign Secretary said that the block on supplies of basic goods and electricity was appalling and unacceptable. He went on to say that, while ultimately this is a matter for the courts, not Governments, to determine, it was difficult to see how denying humanitarian assistance to a civilian population could be compatible with international humanitarian law. The Government have been clear that we are not an international court and that we cannot make a judgment on whether Israel has breached IHL. Our export licensing criteria, as the Foreign Secretary set out in the House of Commons back in September, require him to assess the risk that our exports could commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law. Our reviews concluded that there was a clear risk of Israel breaching IHL and we took decisive action on 2 September by suspending the relevant licences to the IDF for use in Gaza. We have been absolutely clear that humanitarian aid should never be used as a political tool and that Israel must restart the flow of aid immediately. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have made it clear that they are appalled by Israel blocking aid when it is needed at greater volume and speed than ever before. At the UN Security Council meeting on 18 March, we called for a rapid and unhindered resurgence of the flow of aid into Gaza and for the ceasefire to be re-established as soon as possible. The Foreign Secretary spoke to Tom Fletcher on 14 March regarding the humanitarian situation in Gaza and Hamish Falconer spoke to him on 17 March, so we have been in constant contact. In relation to the UNOPS compound in Gaza, which was hit last week, our thoughts are very much with the victims and their families, including, as noble Lords have said, a British national. On 21 March, together with France and Germany, we called for an investigation into this incident. UN personnel and premises should be protected and never be a target. We are, of course, aware of the statement and we echo the UN Secretary-General’s call for an urgent ceasefire. As the Foreign Secretary said on Thursday, this was a shocking incident, with a British national being wounded. We share the outrage of Secretary-General Guterres at this incident. The Government call for a transparent investigation and for those responsible to be held to account. As the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, reflected, the hostages have endured unimaginable suffering and the situation in Gaza has worsened. This ceasefire is the only way for the region to move forward. Securing an immediate ceasefire and the safe release of all hostages has been a priority for this Government since the start of the conflict and we will not stop until they are all home. Time is running out and we renew the call of all parties to return to dialogue. I stress that there is no moral equivalence between Israel, a democracy, and Hamas, a proscribed terrorist organisation. We have been clear that there is no role for Hamas in the future governance of Gaza. In relation to the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, we welcome the Arab initiative on the recovery and reconstruction plan for Gaza. In a statement on 8 March, we, with France, Germany and Italy, encouraged ongoing efforts on the initiative and encouraged all parties to build on the plan’s merits. In relation to the hostages, on 20 March, the UK-linked former hostage Eli Sharabi addressed an open session of the Security Council, which was called for by the UK, along with the US and France. Following Eli’s harrowing testimony, the UK said that Hamas must be held accountable for its despicable actions. We have repeated our call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, which has also been set out in all four of the UN Security Council’s resolutions on Gaza adopted since 7 October. The important thing is how we can ensure that the focus continues to be on the ceasefire and the agreed process. As regards the comment from the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, we are committed to that. We do believe that it is our only hope for sustainable peace and we will work at all levels to ensure that it can be delivered. In relation to Lebanon, escalation across the Israel-Lebanon blue line is deeply concerning. It is imperative that all sides return to a cessation of hostilities and work towards a secure and lasting peace. That is the only way to restore security and stability for people living on either side of the border.

17:28:00

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests, including chairing the ICO advisory panel on conflict resolution. I have interrelated questions. There is a conference scheduled for June by France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I would appreciate the Minister’s insights as to the UK’s role. Linked to that, on the specific dates of meetings and engagement that have taken place with Steve Witkoff, the US envoy, clearly, the United States, together with Qatar, has the greatest leverage when it comes to dealing with Hamas. What specific role is the United Kingdom playing in engaging with these two key partners?

The Minister for the Middle East has been in regular contact with neighbouring countries and regional allies. We are absolutely focused on that. To repeat what I have said on numerous occasions, we welcome the United States’ action in securing the ceasefire agreement and the release of the hostages that we have seen so far. We remain committed to speaking with allies to look at all possibilities, so that we can remain focused on the ceasefire to ensure a much longer-lasting peace. The noble Lord is right: we must work with our allies to ensure that they understand the importance of this, and particularly all regional neighbours.

My Lords, I refer the House to my registered interests. Last Thursday, in New York, I had a humbling experience at the UN Security Council, to which the Minister has just referred, where I heard the brave, eloquent and moving speech of the freed hostage Eli Sharabi, whose British wife, Lianne, and daughters, Noiya and Yahel, were brutally murdered. I urge all noble Lords to read his speech. Many noble Lords have already spoken about aid to Gaza. I will quote a short extract from Eli Sharabi’s speech: “I saw Hamas … carrying boxes with UN and UNRWA emblems … into the tunnel. Dozens and dozens of boxes paid by your governments. Feeding terrorists who tortured me and murdered my family. They would eat many meals a day from UN aid in front of us and we never received any of it”. In the light of Eli’s remarks, I want to ask the Minister a question that the shadow Foreign Secretary asked the Foreign Secretary last week. What is HMG’s assessment of reports of Hamas stockpiling aid?

I repeat that Eli Sharabi’s statement was incredibly moving and had a huge impact on all members of the Security Council. Our Statement afterwards was clear that Hamas must be held accountable for its despicable actions, and we certainly reflected that in all of the UN Security Council’s resolutions. The problem is that aid is not getting in at all at the moment. That has to be the focus of our attention. We are looking at all ways to ensure that aid gets in, not only through UNRWA, which is an important agency in the delivery of aid, but, as the noble Lord raised, through the ICRC. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that. The real problem at the moment is the fact that we cannot get aid across the border into Gaza. That is the shocking situation that we need to focus on.

I am very grateful for the Statement that was brought to this House today. From these Benches, I echo the comments that noble Lords have made about the fact that Hamas must have no part in any future government of the Palestinian territories or any future Palestinian state. Every time the situation in Gaza has become more warlike, under the fog of that war there have been atrocities committed in the West Bank. Some of the more extreme settler movements are trying to oust Palestinian farming families from territories that everybody accepts are theirs by right. What can His Majesty’s Government do to ensure that we do not lose sight of the West Bank at this time when, quite rightly, there is a proper focus on Gaza?

The right reverend Prelate is right to draw attention to that. We have been extremely concerned about the increased level of settler violence—I prefer to call it outpost violence. We have made it clear, and the previous Government made it clear, that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law and harm prospects for a two-state solution. The Foreign Secretary met Palestinian community members in the West Bank and heard how communities are affected. He has been clear with Israeli Ministers that the Israeli Government must clamp down on settler violence and end settler expansion. We also took action in relation to sanctions. We need to highlight this issue and not forget that the West Bank is an important part of ensuring long-term stability in the region.

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests. I recently returned from a visit to Israel. The Minister is quite right to say that aid should not be used for a political purpose, and he is quite right to concentrate on resuming aid going in. But the question my noble friend raised on the deliberate stealing of aid by Hamas and the use of that aid to buy ammunition, to sell it on the black market, and to ensure that Hamas continues to control a significant part of Gaza is important. We can have lasting peace only if one side is not dedicated to the utter destruction of the other. We know through the report issued by my noble friend Lord Roberts last week exactly what we are up against, so it is not unreasonable to say that when the aid goes back in, it cannot be business as normal.

The noble Lord is absolutely right. I have made it clear how the United Kingdom Government view the actions of Hamas. It is a terrorist organisation which has committed atrocious crimes that it must be held accountable for. I hear what the noble Lord says in relation to aid, but we are not getting aid in at all at the moment. We want to use all agencies. Certainly, the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, when he was responding on these questions, understood the importance of ensuring that there were facilities to get aid to those people most in need. We will continue to take every measure possible to ensure that is the case. So, I hear the noble Lord, but our priority is to get support to the most vulnerable and those most in need.

My Lords, as the Minister recalled, a few months ago the Government published an assessment where they concluded that there was a clear risk of breaches of IHL by Israel. The clear risk in the Government’s published assessment was in relation to the provision of humanitarian assistance. The Statement of last week says that the Government feel that this conclusion has been reinforced by the actions of the last three weeks, and that conclusion was obviously the basis for the decision to suspend the arms licences. Can the Government tell us a bit more about the nexus between the British weapons and the alleged or suspected breaches of IHL? In other words, which British weapons did the Government consider could be used to commit which breaches?

I tried to make that clear in response to the Front-Bench questions. Our export licensing criteria, as the Foreign Secretary set out to the House of Commons in September, require him to assess the risk that our exports could commit or facilitate serious violations of IHL. Our reviews concluded that there was a clear risk of Israel breaching IHL, hence the action we took on 2 September, suspending relevant licences to the IDF for use in Gaza. That was the position and it remains so.

My Lords, I have two points I wish to seek clarification on. I understand there is a very difficult issue in terms of aid crossing through from the Egyptian border, notwithstanding that the drivers then refused to continue delivering aid because they were being attacked by Hamas operatives and gangs in Gaza. The second point is one I raised some weeks ago here, when the Government had decided to provide UNRWA with aid again to the tune of something like £48 million of British taxpayers’ money. My question at the time was: how are the Government going to provide oversight to ensure that the money being spent—not only from UK taxpayers, but it is the UK that we are concerned about here—is going in the right direction? I have not had a response about how the Government will provide that oversight, so I would be grateful if the Minister could share that information with us now in the House?

The important thing to consider is how we are working with all agencies, including the UN and NGOs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, and what we achieve through clear monitoring and assessment of that aid. The situation in Gaza is appalling and we know there is a desperate need for support. We have made a very clear ask: we said that Israel must work with the United Nations and all partners to ensure that the supply of humanitarian assistance to Gaza continues in all circumstances. The enhanced levels of relief supplies getting into Gaza prior to Israel’s current block on aid must be resumed. Aid must get to those who need it across all areas of Gaza, and that includes providing access to essential civilian services. We are pleased to hear that the latest polio vaccination rollout reached 99% of children targeted, but we remain gravely concerned by the lack of adequate medical care in Gaza. More types of goods must be allowed in, such as tents, medical equipment and machinery, to support the resumption of basic services in Gaza. I do not think anyone in their right mind would believe that the situation is at all tolerable; it is intolerable, and we need to act.

My Lords, when the Foreign Secretary saw groups recently, did he see women’s peace groups? In terms of aid, what is being done for maternal health, which is desperate in Gaza, and to get help for children, who have been damaged so badly, and for babies who have been born without any support at all because there are no hospitals?

My noble friend is right. In previous Statements, I have made clear that we are focused on educational support and on women and girls. I took the opportunity in New York at the Commission on the Status of Women to focus on how, in all the peace processes, we can ensure that the women, peace and security strategy is fully adopted. It is vital that we recognise the urgent situation, particularly its impact on women and girls, and particularly on pregnant women, so my noble friend is absolutely right.

Could the Minister address the question raised by the noble Lord, Lord Purvis? Do we believe that the ceasefire is saveable? It looks dead; is it dead? Can it be resurrected? As I understand it, it was a three-stage ceasefire. The Government of Israel decided not to move to the second stage on the agreed timetable, Hamas having turned down their alternative suggestion of elongating stage 1. That looks to me like a battlefield for a diplomatic negotiation. What are we saying to the Qataris? Do they think the ceasefire can be saved? Do we think it can be saved? Are we suggesting to them ways of saving it?

The straight answer to the noble Lord is that we believe it can be saved because we believe it is there to be implemented, which is why we are making every effort to call on all parties to resume the negotiations. I am not going to be hung up on each stage and the timing of that. We have a clear commitment and undertakings that were given. Our effort and focus are on ensuring that they return to the negotiating table. We are absolutely committed to that.

My Lords, will the Minister clarify a point? My understanding is that the reason that the ceasefire has collapsed is that Hamas refused to release prisoners—hostages—as had been agreed. Because of the continued refusal to release hostages, Israel determined that she had no choice but to go into military action. There is a history, time and again, of people breaking or not honouring agreements that might be to mutual interest. Perhaps the Minister might reflect on the offer that was made by Ehud Olmert to the then Palestinian Authority of 96% of the land, including the West Bank and the whole of east Jerusalem, and for Jerusalem to be an international city—a proper land swap—which was rejected.

There are many reasons for breakdowns in any kind of process of negotiations. I am certainly not going to focus on who is to blame. Our focus is to ensure that people return to the negotiating table, because that is the only solution. I have heard the families of hostages making that call to get back to the negotiating table and implement the ceasefire agreement. Those are the voices in Israel that I hear.