Safety of Humanitarian Workers: Conflict Zones

[Emma Lewell in the Chair]

14:30:00

I beg to move, That this House has considered the safety of humanitarian workers in conflict zones. It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I thank those who have attended the debate and the Minister for his presence, which is greatly appreciated. Today, we face more conflicts across the world than at any point since world war two. Some 343 million people face hunger and starvation, while one in six children—473 million—live in conflict zones or are displaced, which is the most in recorded history. Despite the dangers, there are an estimated half a million workers in these areas attempting to support those who desperately need it. Rather than running away from the danger, they are running towards it, in an attempt to provide aid, shelter and support to people in need. We should be celebrating them, but instead, we are letting them down. Last year, 2024, was the deadliest year on record for humanitarian workers, with at least 325 aid workers killed. The majority of those were killed in Gaza. However, the crisis spans across multiple conflict zones, with recorded attacks on aid workers in areas such as Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Syria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Ethiopia. Despite being protected under international humanitarian law, these workers are under daily threat from conflict violence such as shelling and shootings. They often face violent intimidation, and there have been several incidents of kidnapping and the use of sexual violence against them. While this happens, the agencies and organisations impacted cannot speak, whether that is due to fear of reprisals or worry that their funding will be cut and access blocked. Many of the people I spoke to while preparing for this debate did so under the condition of anonymity. They need a voice, and today I hope the House can provide one. Members will be aware of the awful killing of 15 paramedics and rescue workers on 23 March in Rafah. The bodies of the workers were found buried in shallow graves a week later next to their vehicles, which had been crushed. While the Israeli military were quick to claim that they had fired on “suspicious vehicles” driving in the dark without emergency lights or headlights on, video footage released of the attack showed that those claims were false, and that not only were the emergency lights on and flashing, but the drivers left the vehicles as the gunfire started. The Israeli military have since investigated the incident and conceded that there was an “operational misunderstanding” and “a breach of orders during a combat setting”, which led to the killings. However, there has still been no independent investigation into the incident. People will not have missed the significance of the fact that the attack on Red Crescent workers came almost a year to the day after the World Central Kitchen aid convoy attack in April 2024, which took the lives of seven aid workers, three of them British citizens. In that tragic incident, the convoy’s route had been co-ordinated in advance, but the co-ordinates were misidentified. The humanitarian notification system is used to alert parties in conflict zones to the location of aid and humanitarian workers and their facilities, in order to protect workers in conflict zones. One agency told me how the system used in Gaza is completely inadequate and often ignored. They said: “At this point we are using the HNS as an accountability measure, not a protective one”. Another worker who supported a charity working in the refugee camps around the occupied territories of Palestine described to me how the camps he worked in were managed, with no armed support or protection. There had been times when he and the team he was with were completely outnumbered by people clambering for help and support—they were desperate, so naturally things became fevered and chaotic. He said: “The safest I felt was when I was in the hotel two hours away, surrounded by metal detectors and armed guards. But during the day I was in the camps, with no support or guards in sight—we were completely alone and forgotten”. A further aid worker told me: “When you congregate groups of people your chance of being targeted increases massively. We do our best to limit numbers but every single one of our beneficiaries and us…are placed inadvertently at risk whenever we work.” The picture these workers paint tells a similar story time and again: that humanitarian workers are often alone and unsupported, with no way to defend themselves. Now known as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, Sudan’s war has seen over 12 million people displaced and over 30 million people needing humanitarian aid. However, more than 387 aid workers have been killed in Sudan over the past five years, with a large proportion of them being national workers. In the last year, 18 workers have been kidnapped. There is mounting evidence that those attacks were deliberately targeted, including aerial bombardments, attacks on refugee camps and violent incidents against local responders. Islamic Relief, which has offices in the area, has had to relocate several times. One person told me that “each move was a desperate escape from advancing militias, looters and gunmen. Roads were lined with armed checkpoints, towns were besieged, our office in Sennar even became a target.” Because of that, many aid agencies are now pausing or suspending their operations in Sudan, leading to a worsening of the humanitarian crisis. I could go on with examples, each worse and more harrowing than the last.

My hon. Friend is making a significant speech on something that should concern us all. Does he agree that wherever these abuses are found, whether in Gaza, Sudan or any other theatre, they do not happen by accident? They happen because forces such as the Israeli Defence Forces, for example, are effectively given licence to do this by their Government. That is why, on a Government-to-Government basis, there is something that this country can actively do to make it clear to the Governments responsible for this treatment that it is not acceptable, and that we will take action to highlight their abuse and remove support from them.

My right hon. Friend is absolutely right, and I will speak later about an element of political will that we can partake in to make sure that we crack down on these abuses. When this debate was secured, I was inundated with responses from organisations and workers who wanted to share their stories and have their voices heard. Although those stories are deeply personal, they all contain the same theme. People all felt that they had been forgotten. As I said at the beginning, these workers are running into danger to save lives. They are often local responders, people who live in the communities impacted, and are often volunteers. It is incumbent on this House and the Government to do all we can to ensure that those volunteers are safe, protected and supported. Most of the organisations and workers who contacted me mentioned political will. It is clear that the Government need to do more to provide clear, consistent leadership on the world stage. Without that, they risk undermining the UK’s commitment to international law.

Does my hon. Friend agree that bomb disposal experts, such as the British national recently injured in Gaza, play a vital humanitarian role in conflict zones, and that attacks on humanitarian facilities are a grave breach of international law, which must be addressed urgently through prosecutions?

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. All breaches of international humanitarian law need to be properly investigated and those responsible prosecuted. In April 2025, the UN’s Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs emphasised that there is no shortage of robust legal frameworks to ensure that humanitarian workers are protected, but “what is lacking is the political will to comply.” Many of us have sat in the Chamber and heard the Government roll out the same line time and again when asked to apply pressure on state and non-state actors to comply with international law. The UK Government should not underestimate their power to influence global change; now is the time to step up and be a leader. I therefore urge the Government to push for greater accountability when violations occur and prosecute those who attack aid workers as breaches of international law. I urge them to work with the UN to ensure that better and more responsive humanitarian notification systems are in place so that they work as protective measures, not just accountability measures. We should train partners to improve security procedures and responsibilities under international humanitarian law, and provide mental health support for workers who have served in conflict zones. I also urge the Government to introduce a presumption of denial for arms exports to Governments listed as human rights concerns in the human rights report from the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Finally, the Government must reverse their decision to cut international aid. The world faces the biggest humanitarian crisis since 1945. Not only is cutting the aid budget counterproductive, but it damages our country’s standing in the world. It is clear from the stories many of us have heard that charities and NGOs that are managing vital work in some of the most dangerous situations need more resources to protect their staff and volunteers. The Government must reconsider that dreadful decision. Thank you so much for the opportunity to open this debate, Ms Lewell. I wanted to use my platform to give a voice to people and organisations that, for many reasons, cannot speak for themselves. We have experienced the most dangerous year ever for humanitarian workers and there is no sign that the situation will improve. It is therefore vital that the Government act now.

14:41:00

It is always a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. You have been a good friend of mine for many years; it is nice to see you in your place and doing well. First, I congratulate the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) on leading this debate. I know that others who participate will support what he has said, and they may also give some examples of areas on which we need to focus. There is no doubt that humanitarian workers face unprecedented dangers merely by doing their jobs. We are all greatly in awe of anyone who does those jobs, because of the courage, bravery, dedication and commitment that they show, so I say a big thank you to them. Humanitarian workers doing aid jobs should always be protected. Unfortunately, we have seen too many examples across the world where they have not been offered protection by those who are in a position to do so. So I recognise what the hon. Gentleman said and the importance of giving them the safety and support that they need. Aid workers are pivotal in providing aid and medical assistance, and they operate in high-tension environments to protect those who are suffering as a result of war. Aid workers really are the people who rush in at the last minute to give innocent people protection and safety, and the hon. Member was right to underline that. It is imperative that we do all we can to support aid workers in doing their jobs, so it is important that those of us who can be in the Chamber are here to discuss giving aid workers the support that they need across the world. Stats are always important, because they give us an idea of what is happening across the world. The UN data is clear. It says that 2023 and 2024 were among the deadliest years for aid workers. In 2024 alone, some 280 humanitarian workers were killed. Increasingly, aid workers are being specifically targeted. It is not a case of them being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Aid workers are in these places doing their jobs at the right time, but they find themselves being targeted by those who, in many cases, should be there to protect them, and who sometimes just want to destroy the work that they are doing, because they know the impact that it has. Better protection mechanisms are imperative to preserve the safety of aid workers and to ensure that they are able to do their jobs to the best of their ability. Today in this House, I commend aid workers for what they do and I wish only that others could recognise it in the same way. Not only do aid workers risk their lives every day, but they are a point of contact for those in desperate need. We must recognise the good work they do and protect them, and make sure that that happens. I will give some recent examples. As the hon. Member for Cheadle referred to, we have seen in Sudan that aid has been obstructed by the Sudanese armed forces. Sudan is one of those countries where the depravity, violence, cruelty and evil of man against man, woman and children are incredibly hard to understand. The United Nations has reported that 22 aid workers have been killed in Sudan since the conflict there began in April 2023, not to mention the depravity that the killers have shown to female aid workers, who have reported sexual exploitation. I am of a generation who always looked out for ladies. We would open the door for ladies, and let them through before moving through ourselves. We would always carry their bags home. People may say that those are silly things, wee small things, but that was the respect we had for women and ladies when I was growing up. Today, that respect is no longer in the places where it should be. Evil seems to have its way, and I find it incredibly difficult to read some of the stories in the press. Furthermore, the safety of humanitarian workers in Afghanistan has been extremely compromised since the Taliban took power in 2021. The United Nations Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs has identified Afghanistan as one of the most hazardous environments for aid workers globally. Between 2022 and 2024, at least 38 aid workers were killed, predominantly those who carried out polio vaccinations and other medical workers. Some of those involved in education have also been targeted and killed. The restriction on female participation has increased dramatically: women must adhere to a strict dress code and have “male guardianship”. Those are just a couple of examples of the prevalent situation. As an international counterparty, we must do more to protect those who are doing their best to help other people. The hon. Member for Cheadle was right to mention the aid budget. It is disappointing that the Government have decided to reduce the aid budget; the impact of that will be great. In my constituency, many church groups, through NGOs and the work of their missionary societies, help those who need vaccinations or other treatments, whether for polio or AIDS. The aid budget has done all that good work, but now, unfortunately, there is a question mark over the extent to which it can continue at the same level. I agree with the hon. Gentleman and put on the record my support for what he has said. The Minister will say that money is tight—he is right, in a way—and I understand that, but something could be done. I suggest that one thing that might fill some of the gap—not all of it, financially, but some of it—is working with church groups across the United Kingdom. They are already out there in Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Kenya, Uganda and Nigeria, for example, and it is possible to work alongside them. If the Minister has any thoughts and ideas on that, I would appreciate hearing them. A partnership could be arrived at so that such groups could do some of the work that cannot be done with the reduced budget that the Minister now has. To conclude, we must work alongside our counterparts in the UN to ensure that humanitarian workers are protected. In 2024, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, alongside other countries, formed the ministerial group for the protection of humanitarian personnel. What can be done? The group recommended two practical but important things. It pushed for enhanced digital tracking and safety systems, and for improved local partnerships. Humanitarian workers are always in dangerous situations, given the nature of their work so those partnerships with those on the ground are important. When things go wrong, lessons need to be learned. I very much look to the Minister for his commitment and response. I know he will never be found wanting in answering my questions and I thank him for that. We must support this initiative and ensure the safety of those who work so hard. Again, well done to the hon. Member for Cheadle. I also look forward to the contributions of the shadow Minister, the right hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton), and the Lib Dem spokesperson, the hon. Member for Esher and Walton (Monica Harding), on how we can do this better together.

14:49:00

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I add my thanks to my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this important debate. As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I have been fortunate in meeting those on the frontline of humanitarian responses, often in some of the most difficult and dangerous circumstances. They are individuals who willingly step into uncertainty. Many do so for less financial reward than they could find elsewhere; they are driven not by salary, but rather by the conviction that service to others is worth so much more. Their work is not getting easier. From Gaza to Sudan, from the DRC to Ukraine, humanitarian workers are confronting a growing number of complex emergencies, where conflict, displacement, disease, food insecurity and climate disruption are regular occurrences. In 2024, the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project estimated that one in eight people worldwide were exposed to armed conflict. Every day, thousands continue their work, delivering aid, supporting fragile health systems and helping communities rebuild. International humanitarian law exists to protect these workers, but in recent years that protection has been eroded. Eight convoys have been attacked, humanitarian staff detained and entire operations halted due to insecurity. The apparent lack of consequences for these incidents sends a dangerous message not only to those in the field, but to the international system as a whole. The UK should be at the forefront of challenging that trend. We must continue to be a voice to uphold the Geneva convention, strengthen accountability mechanisms and press for practical tools, such as early warning systems in negotiated humanitarian corridors, that allow aid to reach those who need it most. The protection of aid workers should never be up for negotiation and must not depend on whether or not a crisis is in the headlines. Sadly, the very resources needed to carry out this life-saving work are under threat. The reduction in the UK’s official development assistance from 0.5% to 0.3% of GNI by 2027 will lead to the closure of health programmes, education services and nutrition schemes in some of the world’s most fragile states. At the same time, cuts to United States Agency for International Development in the United States are significantly adding to the pressure that both aid organisations and workers are feeling. What we are seeing, in real terms, is food rotting at the border crossings, vaccines that cannot be delivered, and aid workers unable to access food, fuel, shelter and basic supplies. The result is not only increased suffering on the ground, but a shrinking of the humanitarian space at precisely the moment when we need it to expand. That retreat is not just a budgetary issue; it is a strategic and moral one. When the UK steps back, others fill the void—often with radically different intentions. We risk weakening the international order that we helped to build; in doing so, we abandon those who continue to act in our name, under our flag and in line with the values we claim to defend. The Government must also ensure that British citizens serving in humanitarian roles overseas are supported, recognised and valued. One of my constituents, who deployed as an aid worker to Ukraine, shared with me his experience of working under the threat of missile attacks without heating, running water or electricity. He was not seeking praise. He was asking whether this House values public service. The introduction of the humanitarian medal was an important step, but the decision to exclude from eligibility those who deployed to Ukraine prior to July 2023 is deeply disappointing. For those who answered the call during the largest humanitarian crisis in Europe, the absence of formal recognition feels not only unfair but inconsistent with the spirit of the medal itself. The previous Government explicitly removed the five-year rule, and allowed eligibility only for events from 19 July 2023 onwards. Minister, how many of the British humanitarians who have deployed across the globe will be ineligible for the medal due to the 2023 cut-off point? I would like the Minister to use this opportunity to pledge to remove that cut-off, so that all those who answered the humanitarian call can be recognised.

Would my hon. Friend be so kind as to pass on my gratitude to his constituent, and echo my gratitude for anyone from our country who puts themselves in harm’s way—not for financial recognition, but for humanity, which transcends politics altogether?

I thank my hon. and gallant Friend for his intervention. From someone who has in fact put himself in harm’s way, that is a wonderful sentiment. There is also the broader issue of how we treat those who work on the frontline of global emergencies, often representing this country’s values abroad. That includes how we fund and support the organisations they work through. We should remember that humanitarian work is not only about crisis response, but prevention, resilience and stability. When that work is undermined, it is not just the world’s most vulnerable who pay the price; it is all of us, because the effects of conflict, poverty and displacement do not stop at borders. They shape our security, trade and the kind of world we leave behind. I hope that this debate will serve as a moment to reflect not only on what humanitarian workers do, but on what we owe them, in policy, in practice and in principle.

14:55:00

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell, and I extend my gratitude to the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this extremely important debate. Like others who have spoken, I cannot think of a more noble profession than that of humanitarian aid workers. These are the people who go into areas that everyone else is trying to flee; their work is driven by compassion, courage and commitment to the most desperate and vulnerable. That work is simply indispensable. It is all the more shocking that conflict zones have become deadlier for those trying to help. Aid workers have been kidnapped, injured and killed while performing their duties. Hospitals, paramedics and aid convoys, clearly marked and protected under international law, have been deliberately targeted or caught in the crossfire. In some places, providing aid has become as dangerous as fighting in the war itself. The statistics speak for themselves. In Gaza, at least 418 aid workers have been killed since October 2023, almost all Palestinian, but including at least eight internationals. At least 1,400 health workers have been killed, although there may be some overlap with the previous number, but that includes health workers and aid workers such as those in the Palestine Red Crescent Society. At least 42 aid workers have been killed so far in 2025. In Lebanon, Israel has killed over 200 aid workers. Last week I attended a viewing of a documentary called “Under Fire: Israel’s War on Medics”, in which we learned the tactic chillingly called the “double tap”. The double tap is where an invading force will attack a building or location, and wait until the aid workers, paramedics and first responders arrive. After they have arrived, it will then attack the same place again. That has resulted in the death and maiming of many, many aid workers.

The hon. Gentleman makes an interesting point, which rang an alarm bell in my mind. What he is describing are the same tactics being used by the state of Israel, or at least its Government, as were exhibited by the IRA back in the 1980s: a bomb would be set off and once help had arrived, a secondary device would be set off at the point of evacuation. Does he recognise that as terrorism, as I do?

That is the classic definition of terrorism, in my view. Some of the killings, such as the murder by Israel earlier this year of 14 emergency workers and a UN worker on 23 March, are reported, but many are not. In Gaza, the lives of those aid workers are casually and brutally taken by the Israeli regime, destroying the entire infrastructure of civilised life in Gaza, and especially the healthcare system. They are targeting and have deliberately targeted the healthcare system as a tactic in war, and to achieve their aims of ethnic cleansing. Their policy is to make life simply unliveable for the Palestinians. I am not the only one who is struck by the contrast in how the Government respond to humanitarian outrages in Ukraine, with their calls for more sanctions and measures on Russia, and their apparent fatalism when such attacks take place in Gaza. Apparently, for this Government, some lives are more equal than others. That is not the case under international humanitarian law: a Palestinian life is equal to an Israeli life, which is equal to a Ukrainian life and every other life on this planet. International law considers that all parties to a conflict are obligated to protect aid workers and ensure safe access to civilians in need. We must call for and provide greater accountability for those who target aid workers. We must support stronger security measures and better co-ordination in dangerous areas. Most of all, we must never normalise these attacks. To that end, I support the calls from the humanitarian charity Islamic Relief for the Government to urge all parties to a conflict to comply with international law, including obligations that relate to the passage of humanitarian supplies, equipment and personnel, and respecting and protecting aid workers; to lead efforts and strengthen commitments to protect aid workers, finalise the political declaration on the protection of humanitarian workers initiated by the Australia-led ministerial group, and commit to concrete actions that go beyond rhetoric, including reporting mechanisms and the monitoring of compliance; and to increase the funding for international and local humanitarian organisations that operate in conflict zones, to ensure they have the resources and protection needed to deliver aid safely. I was absolutely flabbergasted when the Government decided to slash the aid budget to redirect funds towards the purchase of more bombs, bullets, tanks and drones. Will the Minister share the assessment of the impact of that decision on the safety and security of aid workers? Will it result in a risk of more conflict and wars than there would be if we actually supported the people in need?

15:02:00

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Lewell. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this debate. Across conflict lines from Gaza to South Sudan, the Congo, Syria and Ukraine, people wearing nothing more than a hi-vis vest risk, and too often lose, their lives to keep hope alive. The United Nations warns that 2024 is the deadliest year on record for humanitarian workers, with 325 having died that year, as we have heard. Of course, many of them died in Gaza, including seven people working for the food aid charity World Central Kitchen, who were killed in an Israeli strike. Those who died were Australian, Polish, British and Palestinian, along with a dual US-Canadian citizen. The thought that British-made arms could have been used in such strikes is completely unacceptable. The Liberal Democrats call on the Government to immediately suspend the supply of British arms exports to Israel. Today, children are dying of starvation in Gaza as Israel prevents food aid from reaching them, while hospitals are destroyed and medical treatment vanishes under the Israeli bombardment. Those who provide lifesaving aid are dying alongside. The protection of committed humanitarian workers is not an abstract principle: it is vital under international humanitarian law and deserves to be properly funded. Safety training, armoured transport, secure radios and trauma counselling all cost money. Yet while danger rises, funding falls. My constituents in Mid Dunbartonshire care, and are asking me to raise this issue with the Government so that the value and sacrifice of aid workers and medical staff are recognised. The UK aid budget dropped from nearly £15.5 billion in 2023 to £14 billion in 2024—down to 0.5% of national income—and Ministers are now floating a further cut to 0.3%. Every fraction shaved off forces agencies to cancel evacuations, postpone security upgrades and send workers out with less protection. Less money on the ledger means more names on the memorial. We cannot credibly insist that combatants respect humanitarian space while dismantling the lifeline that keeps that space viable. I therefore encourage the Government to reassess their approach to aid funding and view it as a tool not just to help those in need but to prevent future conflict and protect aid workers. Alongside that, we need vigorous diplomacy to prosecute those who target aid workers. If we truly want a safer world, we must safeguard the people who deliver the world’s help. Cutting aid does the opposite, and the price is paid in human lives.

15:06:00

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this very important debate. Our world is becoming more dangerous. Today, more than 120 conflict zones scar dozens of nations. The UN estimates that almost 90% of the resulting casualties are civilians, and the International Rescue Committee calculates that more than 300 million people are in need of humanitarian aid right now. That need is disproportionately concentrated in just a handful of countries. It is in those places, which are some of the world’s most dangerous—Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, Myanmar and others—that humanitarian aid workers are most needed and most under threat. The most dangerous year on record for aid workers was 2024, in which at least 325 lost their lives, the overwhelming majority of whom were national, rather than international, staff. We face a difficult confluence of proliferating conflict, even as we reduce funding for development, stability building and humanitarian response. Conflict is changing: fewer wars are being fought between states, and more are fought within states by various armed groups, particularly in urban areas. Efforts towards conflict prevention and peacebuilding are not working, and global tensions are rising. The UK holds an important position in upholding and calling out abuses of international humanitarian law, and in its responsibility to fund development and aid in conflict zones. I regret that the Labour Government have made the deepest cuts to international aid this century—a shameful retreat from previous Labour Government’s legacy. It is shameful that the UK is not opposing but following the global trend of abandoning international solidarity, certainly when it comes to funding overseas development. I urge the Government to row back on their cuts to aid and stand steadfast as a global development leader. Although development work needs money, it also requires the heavy lifting of diplomacy, not least to ensure adherence to international law, since aid workers today are facing increasing harm. Aid workers make personal sacrifices and place themselves in harm’s way to deliver lifesaving assistance. It is deeply worrying, therefore, to see a growing disregard for humanitarian workers—indeed, for humanitarian law—in conflicts around the world. Last month, I took part in the International Development Committee’s trip to Geneva, where we met UN agencies and the International Committee of the Red Cross. The IDC is investigating the protection of aid workers, and I look forward to the Minister receiving and reading our report. I was reassured by the ICRC that international humanitarian law is robust, strong and protective, and that there is no need for a renegotiation of the Geneva conventions, but I was concerned to hear that its implementation is becoming more and more problematic. The problem is not with the law but with non-compliance and attempts to undermine it. There must be more, and stronger, measures of accountability. The Aid Worker Security Database counted 247 major attacks against aid workers in 2022, 281 in 2023, and 402 in 2024. Insecurity Insight has calculated that instances of drone-delivered explosives directed by named state forces towards aid or health programmes rose by a factor of 25 between 2022 and 2024. In written evidence to the International Development Committee, the organisation also testified that the expansion of violence in major conflict zones has coincided with rising attacks on humanitarian operations, particularly health facilities, camps for refugees and internally displaced people, and aid offices. There have been far too many horrifying examples. Last year in Sudan, the ICRC lost two drivers to gunmen, and the World Food Programme lost three aid workers following aerial bombardment. Gaza has been by far the deadliest single location for aid workers, with over 212 losing their lives in the strip last year. The whole House was horrified at the end of March by Israel’s killing of 15 aid workers, as mentioned by many Members. The UK must lead on efforts to stop all attacks on aid workers. The recent cancellation of the conference of the high contracting parties to the fourth Geneva convention due to “profound differences” only underscores the growing challenges for those committed to upholding international law. The Government have repeatedly said they are using their Security Council seat and bilateral relations to encourage aid access and aid-worker protection; will the Minister share what specific bilateral meetings the Government have had with state and non-state actors regarding the protection of aid workers in Gaza, Sudan, South Sudan, Ukraine and Myanmar? What specific steps are they taking to build international support in multilateral forums for protecting aid workers and strengthening the legal frameworks that bind the actions of combatants? Accountability is critical, both for justice and for deterrence. The UK provides funding for the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court through ODA. Will the Minister confirm whether, once most of the cuts occur in 2026-27, the UK will maintain contributions to international courts, including non-assessed discretionary spending? The UK needs to ask itself an important question: what does standing up for international humanitarian law look like? We must be prepared to roll up our sleeves and tell our friends and allies to adhere to international humanitarian law or face consequential action. Will the Minister outline what the UK is doing to ensure that there is accountability for all those who attack aid workers? Most aid worker casualties are nationals, not international, but last year three Britons were killed when Israel struck World Central Kitchen workers in Gaza. This appalling incident highlighted the ongoing need both for accountability and for the protection of the brave people who do humanitarian work overseas, including our own nationals. What steps is the Minister taking to safeguard British aid workers in conflict zones, and those who are completing British projects? I welcome the Government joining partners and allies in September to form a ministerial group focused on enhancing the protection of humanitarian personnel and reversing the growing trend of attacks on them, and urge the Government to push forward with that engagement. Even as aid workers are kidnapped, wounded and killed, aid itself is too often treated as just another instrument of war. We can see this in specific conflicts. Israel’s total blockade of all aid into Gaza, which has now been in place for more than 50 days, is deepening the already terrible suffering of Gazans. Yesterday, the ICJ opened hearings on precisely this point, and in the Chamber I asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, the hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr Falconer) to confirm that the Government will recognise the Court’s judgment, when it comes, on Israel’s responsibility under international law to facilitate aid to the people of Gaza. I did not receive a reply then, so will this Minister please reply today? Another conflict characterised by the denial of aid access is the ongoing war in Sudan. This catastrophe—the world’s largest—has left 25 million people in need of food aid. Throughout, all sides have blocked humanitarian assistance to civilians. Changes to warfare are having a profound impact on aid-worker safety. The more permissive environment regarding international humanitarian law threatens medical personnel and infrastructure, which are being targeted. Technological changes to warfare—particularly the use of drones and the rising prevalence of aerial bombardment—are increasing the peril faced by aid workers. Around 60% of aid-worker deaths in Gaza last year were attributable to aerial bombardment. How are the Government’s efforts to safeguard aid workers and uphold international humanitarian law taking account of these specific dangers? How is the UK ensuring that accountability frameworks cover the use of drones and related tactics, such as double-tap strikes? There is a false belief that democracies will automatically act ethically in war, but the current permissive nature in respect of adherence to IHL has shown that this is not the case. As defence investment increases, there is a need to train armed forces. The UK leads in that regard, so how can it share best practice to ensure that IHL is upheld in conflict zones? The UK has a leading role to play in diplomatic efforts to ensure the protection of aid workers through upholding international humanitarian law, and I urge the Government to do so with the vigour we would expect from a leadership so experienced in that. But that must be in concert with playing a leadership role in international development, including the funding of deconfliction and the stabilisation of nations. The cuts to UK aid will only exacerbate conflict. I urge the Government to reconsider the cuts, return to spending 0.7% of GNI on ODA, and continue a proud UK legacy. Now, in this deadliest year, it is not the time to row back.

15:16:00

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Lewell. Let me start by congratulating the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) on securing this debate. It is fair to say that hon. Members who have contributed today have demonstrated their knowledge and the conversations they have had with the sector. I think we all agree that those who work in the humanitarian aid sector, especially in conflict zones, do an incredibly important job under very challenging circumstances. From multilateral to localised grassroots organisations, there are so many in the sector to acknowledge, but in the interests of time I will be brief. First, I should like to thank the International Committee of the Red Cross, the ICRC, which the shadow Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Witham (Priti Patel), and I have met recently. Its expertise and neutrality enables it to reach some of the most difficult areas, and it works in more than 90 countries. I also thank Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office staff, who I know work on the UK’s humanitarian programmes; they are highly dedicated individuals, who often work around the clock. We are grateful for their efforts. Mine Awareness Day was 4 April, and I pay tribute to the HALO Trust and Mines Advisory Group. Those are examples of Great British organisations that work globally to lead efforts in de-mining and restoring land in post-conflict communities. There are some remarkable achievements, but as HALO and MAG demonstrate, there is so much more to do if we are to reach a mine-free world. Provisional ODA spend figures for 2024 show that £1.4 billion of bilateral ODA was spent on humanitarian assistance—an increase of 60% from 2023. That really underlines the impact of global crises and conflicts. In the 2023 international development White Paper, we outlined tackling conflict and state fragility as a priority. Part of our vision for 2030 was greater emphasis on improving foresight and conflict prevention. It is also worth remembering that the UK is uniquely placed to be a leader in this area, with our groundbreaking data science, AI, machine learning, and open-source intelligence capabilities. That new technology can be used to expedite forecasting of conflict and mass atrocity risks, buying time for a response from a few months to a few years in advance. There are some specific questions I would like to ask the Minister today. Could he update us on what his Department is doing to continue that work, and what discussions has he had with the UK science, technology, and research sectors to leverage expertise into conflict prevention abroad? As well as the clear humanitarian need of civilians in conflict zones, colleagues are right to raise concerns about the safety of humanitarian workers delivering aid. I would like to press the Minister on a few of those conflict zones. First, I will turn to Ukraine. In January 2025, the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimated that there are 12.7 million Ukrainians in need, of which 6 million will be targeted by aid agencies in 2025. Can the Minister reassure us on what steps he is taking to support the safety of aid workers operating near the frontlines? Disinformation, including Russian disinformation, is another challenge that can compromise the safety of aid workers. What assessment has the Minister made of the impact of disinformation on the ability of humanitarian agencies to function in Ukraine? What steps is he taking to counter it? In Sudan, millions of innocent people have been affected by the appalling conflict and the humanitarian need is dire. It was regrettable that the Foreign Secretary’s conference in London failed to settle on a final communiqué among the parties present to agree a long-term political solution. Clearly, a transition to a truly inclusive civilian-led Government is crucial and we should not lose sight of that. On the ground, we know that aid access and delivery is an enduring challenge. What assessment has the Minister made of incidences of aid blocking in Sudan? What steps are being taken to protect humanitarian workers trying to deliver that aid? In the middle east, we are in a very difficult moment with a breakdown of the ceasefire agreement in Gaza. We need this Government to ensure that the UK is a proactive participant in efforts to find a way through. On aid access, can the Minister update us on the practical efforts he is making to unblock the current situation, including updating us on recent engagement with the Government of Israel on this? What is his assessment of the amount of UK-funded aid that is getting through?

In the earlier part of the current conflict, where aid was blocked, there were air drops from different nations in the UN. I am not aware of the participation of the UK Government. Does the right hon. Lady agree that there is an immediate need for every single channel through which aid can get into Gaza to be put in place and used?

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman. I will leave the specific point of air drops to the Minister, and perhaps he will pick up on that. Wherever the conflict is, it is incumbent on all players to do the utmost to make sure that aid gets through where it is needed. That is why those of us on the Opposition Benches often do, and will continue to, press the Government when it comes to that important issue of access, as I have done this afternoon. I would also be grateful for an update on the Minister’s discussions following the deaths of the 15 aid workers in Gaza in March, and on the need for effective deconfliction in this conflict. Can he also tell us how his Department is working with the ICRC and other agencies to help ensure they can operate safely and to minimise the risks? Finally, in Myanmar, despite a ceasefire agreed by the warring parties following the devastating earthquake, fighting has reportedly continued. We understand that it is a very hostile environment for traditional aid agencies operating in Myanmar, so the FCDO has opted for a grassroots approach to aid delivery. What recent assessment has the Minister made of the effectiveness of that approach in getting aid to where it is needed, and importantly, protecting aid workers? Has the earthquake affected the balance between working with localised grassroots organisations and more traditional humanitarian agencies? If we are working with more multilateral agencies, what steps is he taking to ensure they can operate safely? There are too many good humanitarian organisations, and sadly too many conflicts, to name and discuss them in the short time we have today, but I want to be clear that that in no way diminishes their importance, or the impact on civilians and humanitarian workers grappling with their consequences. As I bring my remarks to a close, I want to again put on record our thanks to all those who put themselves at risk to deliver life-saving support to people in desperate situations. We are living in a more dangerous world and there are more competing demands for humanitarian assistance. It is essential that these brave individuals can work safely and without fear, so they can focus on supporting the most vulnerable.

15:24:00

It is a genuine pleasure to sit under your chairpersonship today, Ms Lewell, and I thank the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this debate and highlighting the grave threats facing aid and humanitarian workers around the world. I say that with genuine sincerity, having spent many years working for humanitarian non-governmental organisations and the former Department for International Development, and as a former member of the International Development Committee, along with a number of hon. Members in this room. I have witnessed the courageous work of humanitarian workers, as well as that of staff from the FCDO—formerly the FCO—and DFID, in extremely challenging situations around the world. They have always operated in dangerous environments, but the threats they face today, as has been highlighted so powerfully, are escalating to intolerable levels, with many paying the ultimate price. Their protection is essential for agencies to operate, for our obligations under international law, and for our shared humanity. I welcome the International Development Committee’s ongoing inquiry on this topic. Its focus on the safety and protection of those courageous individuals is timely and vital. We will engage with the Committee fully on that and consider its findings. As I said, these issues are deeply personal to me. Along with the late and missed colleague of ours, Jo Cox, I have worked with many people, and I still have friends who are working in some of these environments and agencies, including in some of the circumstances that have been described. This is deeply personal for me. As colleagues will understand I obviously will not go into the details, but having worked with Oxfam, World Vision and many other organisations, I have seen this for myself. It is absolutely right that Members highlighted that last year was the deadliest year for humanitarian personnel, with the situation in Gaza providing the most dangerous context. More than 400 air workers have been killed there since October 2023, including three British citizens serving with World Central Kitchen. In March, attacks on a UN facility and a Palestinian Red Crescent Society convoy showed that Israel must do much more to prevent further tragedies, and I will come on to some of the specific comments on that in due course. Reports from Sudan highlight the tragic deaths of aid workers in the Zamzam camp. As has been highlighted, those losses are part of a global trend driven by the scale, complexity and urbanisation of armed conflicts, but behind every incident is a family shattered, a team destabilised, and often a community and extremely vulnerable individuals left without assistance. Fatalities are, of course, only part of the tragic picture. Aid workers face rising levels of injury, abduction and detention, with an immense psychological toll. They sometimes question whether their humanitarian logos and emblems help to distinguish them from parties to conflict, or increase their risks. Those workers must have basic assurances of protection, and they must not be targeted. The UK is committed to promoting compliance with international law, including international humanitarian law, and supporting mechanisms that protect those working in the world’s most dangerous environments. The hon. Member for Cheadle gave a powerful testimony as context for the debate and the wider risks, and he highlighted many of the contexts. I assure him that those workers are absolutely not forgotten. Importantly, he highlighted the volunteers, often locals, who are involved in these contexts, and raised a number of important questions. He specifically asked about mental health, and I assure him that the FCDO has funded additional mental health support for partners where there is an identified gap in available service provision. The hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), as always, spoke powerfully and passionately, and I commend, as he did, the work of church groups in his constituency, and indeed all faith groups. We know that many faith groups in our constituencies, including my constituency of Cardiff South and Penarth, have partnerships with NGOs, and faith groups and others are crucial in responding in these circumstances. They are often the first responders and the first on the ground. The hon. Gentleman specifically asked me about Afghanistan. He will know that humanitarian operations in Afghanistan face serious access challenges, particularly for women, due to the Taliban ban on female aid workers. Despite those challenges, we have supported partners to negotiate local and case-by-case exemptions to continue the work and respond to the needs of women and girls. The hon. Member for West Dorset (Edward Morello) spoke about the convictions and values that drive humanitarian aid workers. I have seen that myself repeatedly, and we hugely value their personal duty and service. He asked some specific questions about the humanitarian medal. That has been awarded to those who responded to the Moroccan earthquake, the Libyan floods and the Gaza crisis, and we are still working through the consideration of other humanitarian emergencies. I appreciate his raising the point about eligibility. I will endeavour to come back to him on that, and I or one of my ministerial colleagues will write back to him in due course. The hon. Member for Dewsbury and Batley (Iqbal Mohamed) raised the important issue of kidnappings and other incidents. The issue is not just those who die in attacks but those who are kidnapped and detained, and the psychological, and often physical, toll that that takes on them. He rightly highlighted a number of contexts, from Gaza to Lebanon. I do not accept his comparison with Ukraine, not least because I was in Ukraine a few weeks ago, under bombardment, and saw what was happening to civilians there. The actions of my ministerial colleagues in relation to Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and many other crises are substantial and sincere. I certainly will not apologise for the difficult decisions we have had to take about ODA to keep the people of this country safe from the many threats that we face, and I will come on to that point in due course. The hon. Member for Dewsbury and Batley asked me specifically about Lebanon, and we use our diplomatic levers to press all parties to honour and respect the humanitarian notification system, which is a deconfliction mechanism to ensure that the location of humanitarian facilities and movements is entitled to protection under international humanitarian law. We are working to make sure that humanitarians are protected in that conflict and many others. There were many other important contributions, including that made by the hon. Member for Mid Dunbartonshire (Susan Murray). I will highlight a few points in response to some of those comments. It is important to note that we have seen not only state-on-state violence and other conflicts but non-state armed groups growing in number. That has increased the risk and complexity of many humanitarian environments, including across the Sahel. In 2023, according to the Aid Worker Security Database, non-state groups remained the most frequent perpetrators of incidents globally, but the proportion of incidents involving state actors increased. There are a whole series of factors at play here. We watch all of them closely and try to respond in the best way that we can. On Gaza specifically, the Foreign Secretary spoke to the UN emergency relief co-ordinator, Tom Fletcher, on 14 March. The Minister for the middle east, my hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr Falconer), spoke with him on 17 March. The Foreign Secretary spoke directly to Israeli Foreign Minister Sa’ar on 15 April and directly raised concerns about the humanitarian situation in Gaza and the urgent need to restore the flow of aid. We are obviously appalled by recent attacks on aid workers, including that on the UNOPS guesthouse on 19 March, and the killing of rescue workers and paramedics, including at least eight Palestine Red Crescent medics, on 23 March. Our thoughts are very much with the victims and their families.

Will the hon. Member give way?

I am going to try to respond to all the comments; I will then, perhaps, take some interventions. We expect those responsible for the killing to be held to account, and we expect that to be done transparently. The Foreign Secretary has pressed Foreign Minister Sa’ar to conclude the Military Advocate General’s consideration of the World Central Kitchen incident, including determining whether criminal proceedings should be initiated. Indeed, the Foreign Secretary and my hon. Friend the Minister for the middle east have met the families of those killed in the attacks and assured them that the Government will continue to support their calls for justice. On 28 March, the UK and France called an urgent UN Security Council meeting to discuss the risks facing humanitarian aid workers in Gaza. That work is substantial and it is going on at many levels. We have also called for the Palestine Red Crescent Society incident to be investigated fully at the Security Council on 5 April. On 21 March, an E3 Foreign Ministers’ statement made clear that the UN and its premises should be protected, and should never be a target. Hon. Members asked about arms exports. We have been clear; Members will have heard the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the middle east speak about this on many occasions. We suspended certain licences to export to Israel for use in military operations in Gaza following a review that concluded that there is a clear risk that items might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza. On the wider situation, over the past few days the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the middle east met Prime Minister Mustafa and discussed the humanitarian situation in the west bank and in Gaza. We announced a £101 million package of support for the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and that will be dedicated to humanitarian relief, support for Palestinian economic development and strengthening Palestinian authority, governance and reform. I was asked, on many occasions, about the support that we give specifically for the protection of aid workers. That includes support to the Aid Worker Security Database, core funding to UNOCHA and the International NGO Safety Organisation, and funding at the country level in many contexts. For example, in Ukraine we support the Humanitarian Action through Volunteers, Enablers and Networks consortium to provide a duty of care package. We also provide funding to the ICRC and UN-managed country-based pooled funds, and we are keeping all our ODA priorities under review. I can assure hon. Members that humanitarian response remains absolutely crucial to what we are doing, particularly in the contexts that have been mentioned most today: Ukraine, Gaza and Sudan. There are many other contexts but those three in particular have been highlighted by the Prime Minister. The shadow Minister asked about disinformation. We are absolutely aware of that challenge. We worked at the UN on resolution 2730, which condemns disinformation targeting aid workers, and we are working on a number of programmes in that regard. She asked about the aid workers in Ukraine and I have mentioned the HAVEN programme. We are also providing personal protective equipment, individual first aid kits and so on through that scheme. That is crucial. We constantly take work through the UN. We called for a series of measures in the circumstances that I identified and we also co-chaired a UN event demanding the release of aid workers detained by the Houthis in Yemen. We support a new political declaration by Australia to strengthen global commitments to protect aid workers, which will complement UN Security Council resolution 2730. We respond to direct incidents at the highest levels—I have identified some of those in relation to Sudan—and, of course, we condemned the reported attacks on aid workers and pressed for investigations. We recently hosted the London Sudan conference alongside the African Union, the EU, Germany and France to galvanise co-ordinated action. We must use our momentum to keep applying pressure to all the parties there to comply with their obligations. We are also working very closely with organisations working to support female aid workers who face particular issues with restrictions, threats and sexual violence. The UK invests in safeguarding and directly supports women’s rights organisations to help mitigate those risks. My ministerial colleagues and I try to take account of all of the specific and granular risks that workers face, but it is about more than just those specific circumstances. It is about a wider commitment by the United Kingdom to the protection of aid workers and to humanitarian principles. I can assure Members that we will continue to uphold those principles and stand up for them in the work that we do. I thank hon. Members for their contributions today, which have been passionate and sincere. I have heard what has been said and I will certainly communicate that to ministerial colleagues. I once again thank the hon. Member for Cheadle for sponsoring the debate in the first place.

15:37:00

I thank Members for their contributions today and, in particular, I thank the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) for raising the point about women and educators being targeted in Sudan and Afghanistan. It was a really important point, as was the point about the community groups in our communities that work hard for humanitarian workers abroad. I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for West Dorset (Edward Morello) that we need more protections for workers abroad because those protections are being eroded, and it seems that the world’s Governments are turning a blind eye. I agree with the hon. Member for Dewsbury and Batley (Iqbal Mohamed) that we need concrete actions and, perhaps, red lines that the Government could put forward. Finally, I thank my hon. Friends the Members for Mid Dunbartonshire (Susan Murray) and for Esher and Walton (Monica Harding). I completely agree that the foreign aid cuts have been a shameful retreat from Labour’s legacy on foreign aid. The shadow Minister was absolutely right to highlight how misinformation causes even more danger for our aid workers. Finally, I thank the Minister not just for his remarks today, but for his service as a humanitarian worker. It is really appreciated and I have much respect for him. I refer to my earlier comments: I think the Government need to step up. I truly believe that the Government have more influence and power than they perhaps give themselves credit for. From hearing the speeches made today and elsewhere in this House, I think more and more Members agree. I urge the Government to do more, to consider the suggestions highlighted today, and perhaps to bring out those red lines for what we are going to do when international humanitarian law is broken. It vital that we act now; we have no time to wait. We must act now. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered the safety of humanitarian workers in conflict zones.

15:39:00