Conflict in the Middle East

Statements

The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on Tuesday 10 June.

“With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a Statement on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The two-state solution is in peril. There is catastrophic conflict in Gaza and a shocking deterioration in the West Bank. This is an affront to the rights of Palestinians, but it is also against the interests of Israelis; against their long-term security and their democracy. Today, I will update the House on new actions we are taking to uphold human rights and defend the vision and viability of two states living side by side in peace.

In 2024, we saw the worst settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank in the last two decades, and 2025 is on track to be just as violent. Between 1996 and 2023, an average of seven illegal settler outposts were established annually. In 2024, settlers erected 59. These outposts are illegal under both Israeli and international law. Two weeks ago, the Israeli Government themselves announced 22 new settlements in the West Bank. Every outpost and every building the settlers erect is a flagrant breach of international law and disregards the views of Israel’s international partners. There are now in excess of 500,000 settlers living in the West Bank and over 100,000 in east Jerusalem, the territory that must form the heart of a sovereign, viable and free Palestine.

The sharp growth in settlements alone is dangerous enough, but it has been accompanied by a steep rise in settler violence and extremist rhetoric. Itamar Ben-Gvir has led seven provocative intrusions into Haram al-Sharif since 2022. In 2023, settlers rampaged through the village of Huwara, in what Israel’s own West Bank military commander described as a ‘pogrom done by outlaws’. Last month, the villagers of Mughayyir al-Deir fled their homes in fear after the construction of an illegal outpost 100 metres away. This month, settlers attacked the town of Deir Dibwan. They set fire to houses and injured residents. This violence and rhetoric are deeply concerning. They are an assault not just on Palestinian communities but on the very fundamentals of a two-state solution. This is an attempt to entrench a one-state reality where there are no equal rights.

The two-state solution remains the only viable framework for a just and lasting peace—and I know that it is supported on every side of this House—with Israelis living in secure borders, recognised and at peace with their neighbours, and free from the threat of terrorism; and with Palestinians living in their own state, with dignity and security, free of occupation.

We are steadfastly committed to defending that vision, not just with words but with action. That is why we have pledged £101 million in additional support to the Palestinian people this year, and why we are working to strengthen and reform the Palestinian Authority. It is why my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary signed a landmark agreement with Prime Minister Mustafa, and why my right honourable friend the Prime Minister welcomed him to Downing Street. It is why we are clear that Hamas must release the hostages immediately and unconditionally, and that Hamas can have no role in Palestinian governance. It is also why we are committed to working with civil society, Israeli and Palestinian, to support those who believe in peace and coexistence. However, the gravity of the situation demands further action.

The reality is that these human rights abuses, the incitement to violence and the extremist rhetoric come not just from an uncontrolled fringe but from individuals who are Ministers in this Israeli Government. We must hold them to account and protect the viability of the two-state solution. So today we are sanctioning Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. We are acting alongside Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway, which have also announced their own measures today.

These two men are responsible for inciting settler violence against Palestinian communities in the West Bank—violence that has led to the death of Palestinian civilians and the displacement of whole towns and villages. That violence constitutes an abuse of Palestinians’ human rights. It is cruel, it is degrading, and it is completely unacceptable. We have told the Israeli Government repeatedly that we would take tougher action if this did not stop. It still did not stop: the appalling rhetoric has continued unchecked; and violent perpetrators continue to act with impunity and encouragement.

Let me tell the House that, when we say something, we mean it. Today, we and our partners have shown extremists that we will not sit by while they wreck the prospects of future peace.

Our actions today do not diminish our support for the security of Israel and the Israeli people. The agendas of those two men are not even supported by the majority of Israelis, who recognise that those individuals are not working in their interest. As the Foreign Secretary said to this House last month, we want a strong friendship with Israel based on shared values and our many close ties. Our condemnation of Hamas—a proscribed organisation—and of the appalling attacks of 7 October is unequivocal. Our commitment to the security of Israelis and the future of Israel is unwavering. We will continue to press for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, for the release of the hostages still held so cruelly by Hamas, and for a ramping up of aid to those Gazans in desperate need. The repeated threats by Hamas to the lives of the hostages are grotesque and prolong the agony of their families and loved ones. Hamas should release all the hostages immediately and unconditionally.

The situation in the West Bank cannot be seen in isolation from events in Gaza. Extremist rhetoric advocating the forced displacement of Palestinians, the denial of essential aid, and the creation of new Israeli settlements in the strip, is equally appalling and dangerous. This Government will never accept the unlawful transfer of Gazans from or within Gaza, or any reduction in the territory of the Gaza Strip. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains catastrophic. As Israel’s ground and air operations expand, Gazans have now been pushed into less than 20% of the territory. Hospitals have been damaged and destroyed. The entire population of Gaza is now at risk of famine.

Meanwhile, Israel’s newly introduced measures for aid endanger civilians and foster desperation. They are inhumane. The Red Cross field hospital in Rafah reported last week that it has responded to an unprecedented five mass-casualty incidents in the two weeks prior. In each case, Palestinians have been killed or injured trying to access aid in Gaza. Desperate civilians who have endured 20 months of war should never face the risk of death or injury simply to feed themselves and their families.

We need further action from the Israeli Government now to lift all restrictions on aid, to enable the UN and aid partners to do their work, and to ensure that food and other critical supplies can reach people safely wherever they are. We will continue to support the UN and other trusted non-governmental organisations as the most effective and principled partners for aid delivery. Our support has meant that over 465,000 people have received essential healthcare, 640,000 have received food, and 275,000 have improved access to water, sanitation and hygiene services.

We of course support the efforts led by the United States, Qatar and Egypt to secure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. We welcome the initiative of France and Saudi Arabia to chair an international conference next week to advance a two-state solution. A two-state solution is the only way to bring the long-lasting peace that Israelis and Palestinians deserve, but it cannot remain an empty slogan repeated by generations of diplomats and politicians while increasingly divorced from the reality on the ground. Mr Smotrich has said there is no such thing as a Palestinian nation. Mr Ben-Gvir has spoken of his rights in the West Bank—a territory that his Government are occupying—as being more important than the rights of millions of Palestinians. Their own words condemn them.

To defend those Palestinians’ rights, to protect the two-state solution and to see Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in safety and security, this Government are taking action. I commend this Statement to the House”.

19:40:00

My Lords, I shall now repeat a Statement made earlier today in another place by my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary. The Statement is as follows: “With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will remind the House that the Foreign Office has been responding to two crises this past week. My honourable friend Minister Falconer will update the House on the Government’s extensive efforts to assist those who lost loved ones in Thursday’s devastating Air India plane crash. Just nine days ago, I was in Delhi, strengthening our friendship. Our nations are mourning together, and my thoughts are with all those suffering such terrible loss. With permission, I will now turn to the Middle East. Early last Friday morning, Israel launched extensive strikes across Iran. The targets included military sites, the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz, key commanders and nuclear scientists. The last 72 hours have seen Iranian ballistic missile and drone strikes across Israel, killing at least 21 Israelis and injuring hundreds more, and Israeli strikes have continued, including on targets in Tehran, with the Iranian authorities reporting scores of civilian casualties. Prime Minister Netanyahu has said that his operations will ‘continue for as many days as it takes to remove the threat’. Supreme Leader Khamenei has said that Israel ‘must expect severe punishment’. In such a crisis, our first priority is, of course, the welfare of British nationals. On Friday, we swiftly stood up crisis teams in London and the region. Yesterday, I announced that we now advise against all travel to Israel; that is as well as our long-standing advice not to travel to Iran. Today, I can update the House: we are asking all British nationals in Israel to register their presence with the FCDO so that we can share important information on the situation and leaving the country. I can announce today that we are also further updating our travel advice to signpost border crossing points, and we are sending rapid deployment teams to Egypt and Jordan to bolster our consular presence near the border with Israel. That presence has already been supporting British nationals on the ground. Israel and Iran have closed their airspace until further notice, and our ability to provide support in Iran is therefore extremely limited. British nationals in the region should closely monitor our travel advice for further updates. The situation remains fast-moving. We expect more strikes in the days to come. This is a moment of grave danger for the region. I want to be clear: the United Kingdom was not involved in the strikes against Iran. This is military action conducted by Israel. It should come as no surprise that Israel considers the Iranian nuclear programme an existential threat. Khamenei said in 2018 that Israel was a ‘cancerous tumour’ that should be ‘removed and eradicated’. We have always supported Israeli security. That is why Britain has sought to prevent Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon through extensive diplomacy. We agree with President Trump when he says that negotiations are necessary and must lead to a deal. This has long been the view of the so-called E3—Britain, France and Germany, with whom we have worked so closely on this issue. It is the view of all of the G7, who have backed the efforts of President Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff. For more than two decades, it has been the cross-party view in this House. Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton and Lord Hague of Richmond led diplomatic efforts on this issue, as did Baroness May of Maidenhead and the former right honourable Member for Uxbridge and South Ruislip. This Government have continued to pursue negotiations, joining France and Germany in five rounds of talks with Iran this year alone. Ours is a hard-headed, realist assessment of how best to tackle this grave threat. Fundamentally, no military action can put an end to Iran’s nuclear capabilities. Just last week, the International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors passed a non-compliance resolution against Iran, the first such IAEA finding in 14 years. The director-general’s comprehensive report details Iran’s failure to declare nuclear materials. Iran remains the only state without nuclear weapons accumulating uranium at such dangerously high levels. Its total enriched stockpile is now 40 times the limit in the JCPOA. Its nuclear programme is part of a wider pattern of destabilising activity. The Government have taken firm action in response. When Iran transferred ballistic missiles for use in Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine, we imposed extensive sanctions, including against Iran Air, and we cancelled our bilateral air services agreement. In the face of unacceptable IRGC threats here in the United Kingdom —with some 20 foiled plots since 2022—the Crown Prosecution Service has for the first time charged Iranian nationals under the National Security Act, and we have placed the Iranian state, including the IRGC, on the enhanced tier of the new foreign influence registration scheme. A widening war would have grave and unpredictable consequences, including for our partners in Jordan and the Gulf: the horrors of Gaza worsening, tensions in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq rising, and the Houthi threat continuing. That is why the Government’s firm view is—as it was last October, at the time of the ballistic missile attack on Israel—that further escalation in the Middle East is not in Britain’s interests, or in the interests of Israel, Iran or the region. There are hundreds of thousands of British nationals living in the region and, with Iran a major oil producer and one fifth of total world oil consumption flowing through the strait of Hormuz, escalating conflict poses real risks for the global economy. As missiles rain down, Israel has a right to defend itself and its citizens, but our priority now is de-escalation. Our message to both Israel and Iran is clear: step back, show restraint, do not get pulled ever deeper into a catastrophic conflict, the consequences of which nobody can control. The Prime Minister chaired COBRA to discuss the situation last Friday, and spoke to Prime Minister Netanyahu, President Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. The Prime Minister is now at the G7 summit in Canada, discussing with our closest allies how to ease tensions. The Government have deployed additional assets to the region, including jets for contingency support for UK forces and, potentially, our regional allies concerned about the escalating conflict. In the last 72 hours, my honourable friend the Minister for the Middle East and I have been working flat out trying to carve out space for diplomacy. I have spoken to Israeli Foreign Minister Sa’ar and the Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi, underlining Britain’s focus on de-escalation. I have also met the Saudi Foreign Minister, Prince Faisal, and had calls with US Secretary of State Rubio, EU High Representative Kallas, and my counterparts from France and Germany, the UAE, Qatar, Oman, Jordan, Turkey and Iraq. Those conversations are part of a collective drive to prevent a spiralling conflict. This new crisis has arisen as the appalling situation in Gaza continues. This weekend, hospitals in Gaza reported that over 50 people had been killed and more than 500 injured while trying to access food. This Government will not take our eye off the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. We will not stop calling for aid restrictions to be lifted and for an immediate ceasefire, and we will not forget about the hostages. This morning I met Yocheved Lifschitz and her family, whose courage and dignity in the face of Hamas’s barbarism were a reminder of the plight of those still cruelly held in Gaza. We will not stop striving to free the hostages and end the war. Our vision remains unchanged: an end to Iran’s nuclear programme and destabilising regional activity, Israel secure in its borders and at peace with its neighbours, and a sovereign Palestinian state, as part of a two-state solution. Diplomacy is indispensable to each of those goals. Britain will keep pressing all sides to choose a diplomatic path out of this crisis. I commend this Statement to the House”.

19:51:00

My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement. We have seen Israel and Iran launch fresh attacks against one another yesterday and, sadly, again today, although it is worth noting that Israel is targeting predominantly nuclear and military sites, whereas Iran seems to be just launching missiles indiscriminately into civilian areas. This is a grave situation and we face the very real possibility that it could yet get a lot worse. I agree with the Foreign Secretary that our first priority must be to ensure that British citizens in Israel are supported to get out of the region as quickly as possible. It is reported that approximately 40,000 tourists are currently stranded in Israel. As the Minister said, flight routes and land borders have been closed. I appreciate that this is a highly changeable situation, but I hope the Minister can set out the Government’s plans for making sure that British citizens are brought out of harm’s way as quickly as possible. I totally understand that the Foreign Office is faced with a serious challenge, but we must remember that for British citizens on the ground this is a terrifying and desperately stressful situation. James Eden, a 72 year-old grandfather from my home city of Newcastle, is hoping to take a four-hour bus ride through the Negev and then cross to Egypt before flying home. Despite being a British citizen in a country that the FCDO has now put on its red list, Mr Eden has said of the Foreign Office that all it does is send alerts. On the support that the Foreign Office is providing to help him escape, Mr Eden said, “They are not going to stop me, but they are not going to help me get out of Egypt either”. It is deeply concerning that British citizens are being left in the lurch over their evacuation from what the FCDO has recognised as a high-risk area. I understand the limitations that the Foreign Office has with regard to the closure of airspace, et cetera, but we need to remember that normal people are now in a war zone, and they need all the support, reassurance and help they can get from the Foreign Office in getting out of harm’s way and back home to their families in the UK. Further to this point, I take the opportunity to ask the Minister what steps the Government are going to take to protect civilians in Israel from falling victim to Iranian rocket attacks. As I said, Iran has deliberately targeted civilian communities in places such as Tel Aviv and Haifa, and the UK has a capacity to support Israel in anti-air operations which will help to protect civilians from further harm. I hope the Minister can update the House on what plans the Government have to use UK assets to defend against Iranian attacks on civilian targets. If this is no longer the ambition of the Government, what has changed since the last time, when the UK military helped to bring down missiles and drones? Throughout this time of crisis we need to be clear in our resolve that Iran should never have nuclear weapons. Iran has repeatedly defied international conventions, undermined regional peace, and supported extremist groups across the Middle East. It continues to arm and finance proxies responsible for violence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and, of course, Israel. Iranian leaders have been brutally clear in their stated desire to completely eradicate the State of Israel, and we should listen to what they have said on this. A nuclear-armed Iran would not be a stabilising force—far from it. It would be a threat multiplier, emboldening aggression, enabling coercion, and potentially triggering a regional arms race from which it may not be possible to return. We must never allow the bankrollers of Hezbollah, the Houthis, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad to gain access to that sort of weaponry. As the Minister said, the IAEA has said that as of 17 May Iran has amassed 408 kilograms of uranium, enriched up to 60%. That material is a short technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%. The agency has said that Iran is now “the only non-nuclear-weapon state to produce such material”, which is of “serious concern”. That is enough uranium to make several nuclear bombs. The Iranian Government have always claimed that they want to master nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, but this, as the IAEA has made clear, is palpable nonsense. We should be working with and fully supporting our allies, including Israel, to ensure that Iran never has access to this sort of weaponry. The warning signs are flashing and I hope the Minister can tell us what steps the Government are taking now to make sure that this fear is not realised. Israel is engaged in an existential fight for its own survival as a nation, but it is also fighting dangerous religious extremism on behalf of the rest of the liberal free world. It should have our full support in that fight. With regard to the announcement about sanctions last week, it is now more important than ever that we maintain a constructive, effective and open dialogue with Israel. We must be clear that we support it and its civilians when they are targeted by Iran, which has killed numerous civilians in its attacks over the weekend. Can the Minister assure the House that the relationship and leverage so often referred to by the Government have not been negatively affected by the decision to sanction the Israeli Finance and National Security Ministers? I would also appreciate further clarification from the Minister about why this decision was reached. The sanctions imposed on Mr Ben-Gvir and Mr Smotrich —who have said, I completely agree, many outrageous things—ban them from entering the UK and freeze any assets that they have in the United Kingdom. Can the Minister explain why these specific sanctions were chosen? Was there a high chance that Messrs Ben-Gvir and Smotrich would travel to the UK to “incite violence against the Palestinian people”? Do these men have substantial assets in the UK which would enable them to do this? We must ensure that we approach matters of this importance and delicacy with a clear strategy and an eye to the future. We cannot make decisions which seriously change our international relations merely to appease political support from certain sections of society, some of them in this country. In the face of this deeply volatile and dangerous moment in the Middle East, the Government must demonstrate clarity, consistency and compassion. British citizens stranded in a conflict zone must be our immediate priority, as the Minister has said. At the same time, we must stand firm with our allies against attacks on civilians, ensuring that the UK does all it can to uphold international security. That means using our diplomatic leverage wisely, not undermining it through ill-considered sanctions that risk damaging vital relationships. Above all, we must maintain our unwavering resolve to prevent Iran, a state that arms violent proxies and threatens regional peace, from ever acquiring nuclear weapons. The challenges are immense, but so, too, is our responsibility, so I urge the Minister to set out today how the Government will meet this moment with the seriousness and the strategic foresight that it demands.

I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement made today. I start by referring to the previous Statement on the designations. I have previously described in the House a visit that I made to a destroyed Palestinian village, Zanuta. The community education room in that village, which was co-funded by the UK taxpayer, was bulldozed and the community remains uninhabitable. That is just one example—of too many—of illegal actions by settlers in Palestine. It was an egregious example, not just because we paid for part of the facilities but because it was done in direct line of sight of a local authority justice centre and court. The IDF offers informal—as it says—policing, which is there to prevent Palestinians returning. Outposts, illegal even under Israeli law, have been expanding, while the violence against the Palestinian communities, which is also illegal under international law, has been not only conducted with impunity but promoted, facilitated and incited. These Benches therefore welcome the measures that the Government have introduced—indeed, the Minister knows that we have called for them for over 18 months—but, as the situation has deteriorated over that period and Palestinians have come under further unjustified violence, we need to expand these measures to include those who are financing and facilitating. If, as I understand it, these measures are being introduced under the human rights regime, those who are supporting those designated can be covered within the expanded remit. Perhaps the Minister could confirm that that is the case. These Benches believe that this is now the time to recognise a state of Palestine. Not only is it imperative that we do so to prevent further abuses of international humanitarian law, but we are sanctioning those who say that there should be no process at all. The Government’s position is that we should recognise Palestine as part of a process. It is now becoming apparent that there are very many people who do not believe in a process at all. Lastly on Gaza, we have seen just today more Palestinian civilians killed while simply pleading for food in Gaza. The UK must act urgently to work with others to close the GHF and prevent the use of profiteering mercenaries and to immediately restore safe routes of supply for food and medicine. Over the weekend, as the Minister referred to, people across the UK have watched with horror as war has broken out between Israel and Iran. This is, as noble Lords have said, a very serious moment for peace and security in the world and here at home. We have seen the start of yet another conflict where civilians are casualties; indeed, both Israeli and Iranian targets have been within densely populated areas and, as we have heard, Iran is offering little discrimination with regard to its responses. It is worth stating two important principles. The first is that the State of Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself, and the stated goal of the state of Iran to wipe out the State of Israel is contrary to international law and unacceptable. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps continues to seek to suppress its opponents in the UK, and we have called for that organisation to be proscribed. The Foreign Secretary told the House of Commons that we are awaiting promised legislative reforms to close “gaps” that the “state threats” of Iran have been exploiting. Can the Minister tell us what the timetable of that is going to be? Secondly, Iran’s ambition to create a nuclear weapon to menace the region is also a threat to UK interests, and successive Governments have been right to seek to contain that risk. They have also been right, working with allies through the E3 process, to pursue that through diplomatic means. That is why the actions of the Netanyahu Administration are a huge gamble. It is perhaps an ambition of the United States to carry on diplomatic means. While the first Trump Administration was wrong to withdraw from the JCPOA, the second has been right to seek that diplomatic track. Could the Minister update us on our latest contacts with the United States Administration on their efforts on diplomacy? The danger in war is that any ambition for the diplomatic route could be derailed and the Iranian regime may end up being even less transparent and reduce diplomatic routes even further. The degraded capacity of an Iranian regime could be even harder to contain if it is seeking to expand and attack UK and our allies’ interests. Whether it is Netanyahu seeking to involve the USA in regime change in Tehran or Tehran itself seeking to expand and threaten trade and energy supplies and their routes, this is an extremely difficult moment. The danger is real and the threat to the UK—as the Minister said, not only to the UK but to our key allies, Jordan and Iraq in particular—is apparent. We should heed the advice and the warnings of the IAEA director-general, Rafael Grossi, who said in a statement today: “Military escalation threatens lives, increases the chance of a radiological release with serious consequences for people and the environment, and delays indispensable work towards a diplomatic solution for the long-term assurance that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon”. We on these Benches agree with him, and we welcome the Foreign Secretary stating that he will be working with E3 allies and be in contact with Tehran this evening. Could the Minister outline the context of what we are seeking? Are we seeking to put the E3 process back on track, or are there any other allies that we can work with on the diplomatic route? Regrettably, we need to plan for the worst even though we may hope for the best in diplomacy. Those British citizens living in the Middle East will be extremely anxious this evening. Can the Minister confirm that adequate additional resources have been deployed to provide consular support to them, and that—working with allies, including the EU—contingency plans are being developed to support their evacuation should it become necessary?

My Lords, I welcome the cross-party support for the Statement; it is much appreciated. This is an extremely concerning and dangerous moment for the entire region and events are moving as we speak. Further escalation is in no one’s interest. We want to see both sides step back and show restraint because no one benefits from a widening conflict. As I said in repeating the Statement, we did not participate in the Israeli strikes. Our focus is on encouraging our partners to de-escalate and to find a diplomatic solution through dialogue. The Prime Minister has had calls with Prime Minister Netanyahu, President Trump and the leaders of France, Germany and the United Arab Emirates, and the Foreign Secretary has spoken to his Iranian counterpart to urge restraint. As we have said, Israel has a right to self-defence, and the UK has grave concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme. Stability in the Middle East is in everyone’s interests, and further discussions to help to find a diplomatic resolution will take place at the G7 summit in Ottawa. I fully understand noble Lords’ concerns for British nationals in the region, and we share those concerns. The safety and security of British nationals are our top priority. Our advice to British nationals in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories is to keep up to date with developments and follow the instructions given by local authorities, particularly the Israeli Home Front Command. That is the best way of staying safe. As I said in the Statement, we are launching a “register your presence” portal for British nationals in Israel, to build a clearer picture of who is in the region and who may need assistance. We urge British nationals in Israel to complete this when it becomes available. Our embassy in Tel Aviv and the consulate in Jerusalem are working round the clock and can be contacted 24/7 by any British national in need of consular assistance. We have also sent rapid deployment teams to either side of the Israel-Jordan border to assist those who choose to travel out of the country via land. This is a fast-moving situation. British nationals should read the FCDO’s advice on what to do if you are affected by a crisis abroad. We are monitoring the situation closely and keeping all plans under constant review. On the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, as I said in the Statement, we did not participate in any element of the Israeli or Iranian military strikes. It would not be appropriate for me to speculate on future operations decisions; that would benefit only our adversaries. We must consider the long-term context here. For decades, Iran has pursued destabilising activity in the Middle East and committed human rights violations, and it is increasingly making threats against individuals in the United Kingdom. We have long-standing grave concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme, which has escalated beyond all credible civilian levels. However, as the Israelis and the US President have made clear, a military solution cannot resolve Iran’s nuclear escalation for the long term. The consequences of continued conflict would bring serious damage not only to the region but globally. Only a diplomatic solution can resolve the nuclear issue for the long term, which is essential for international peace and security and preventing nuclear proliferation around the world. Diplomacy is in the interests of all concerned. It has been the focal point of President Trump, and we certainly support his efforts in reaching that diplomatic solution. The UK has bilateral defence relationships with a broad range of Middle Eastern partners, including Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Lebanon, Israel and Egypt. Operation Kipion is the UK’s maritime presence in the Gulf and the Indian Ocean, where we have frigates and mine-countering measures. As the PM announced, the UK has deployed further aircraft to the region, but it would not be appropriate to discuss operational defence and intelligence matters further. We are absolutely focused on all those diplomatic efforts. The noble Lord, Lord Callanan, focused on what the Iranians have been up to with their enriched stockpile, which is more than 40 times the JCPOA limit. The total of Iran’s highly enriched uranium stockpile on 17 May was 408 kilograms, and there are more than nine significant quantities of highly enriched uranium. The approximate amount is such that the possibility of Iran manufacturing a nuclear explosive device cannot be excluded; there is no credible civilian justification for highly enriched uranium. As the IAEA declared on Thursday, Iran has not been complying with its nuclear non-proliferation obligations for the first time in 20 years. IAEA Director-General Grossi confirmed on 13 June that he had been in contact with inspectors in Iran. He also confirmed that the level of radioactivity outside Iran’s Natanz site has remained unchanged. I am gravely concerned by reports that Iran’s parliament is preparing legislation to withdraw from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Withdrawal would be a serious breach of Iran’s long-standing international commitments and would isolate Iran further. Following the conclusion of the Iran nuclear deal in 2015, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 2231, which includes a mechanism known as the UN snapback. If the snapback process is fully implemented, it will result in the reimposition of the seven UN security resolutions: an embargo on the transfer of conventional arms to Iran; a ban on Iran developing and testing nuclear weapons; a ban on all enrichment pre-processing and heavy water-related activities; asset freezes; travel bans; and unlimited financial trade restrictions. Snapback would likely have a significant short-term impact on the value of Iran’s currency, compounding already high inflation. These are the consequences of its actions if it does not listen to the diplomatic calls, particularly those made by President Trump. The economic consequences would be disastrous. This is a fast-moving situation. We are urging Israel to comply with international humanitarian law, and we urge all sides to step back and think of the consequences. Only a matter of hours ago, Israel warned the Iranian broadcasting authority that it would attack its headquarters, which it subsequently did. We hope that there were no casualties. The noble Lord, Lord Callanan, asked about last week’s Statement on sanctions, These sanctions are taken against individuals because of their incitement of and support for violence in their personal capacities. They have a long history of dangerous, extremist and inflammatory views predating their official roles. This language is absolutely to be condemned. Even the Israeli ambassador to the United Kingdom said in recent interviews that their statements do not represent government policies. These sanctions apply to individuals in their personal capacities, not to their ministries or departments. I have seen the consequences of those statements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, particularly in some of the isolated outposts, as they are called, of settlers, which have launched direct attacks on Palestinian villages and their way of living, even ensuring that schoolchildren could not get to their schools. Their actions have incited violence, and it is important that we respond to them. It is important that we do not take our eye off the ball in relation to the situation in Gaza. We are continuing to call on the Israeli authorities to allow humanitarian access. It is vital. As the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, said, even in recent days, we have seen further injury and deaths to people seeking food and other sustenance during this difficult period. I will no doubt answer many more questions, and if I have not picked up on any questions, I am sure I can cover some of the points in the Back Bench debate.

20:19:00

My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating a very sensitive Statement. I was in Jerusalem last week, speaking at a legal seminar at the Hebrew University, and I was very fortunate to fly out on Thursday night, hours before airspace was closed, otherwise I would be one of the terrified British citizens mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Callanan. I can tell the Minister that it was clear from my conversations with many Israelis, including those highly critical of the Netanyahu Government, that they are deeply concerned. They find it intolerable that Iran should be allowed to continue to progress towards the production of nuclear weapons, given that Iran has made it very clear that it will use such weapons to seek to annihilate Israel, given that Iran is in breach of the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as we saw last week, and given all the other steps taken by Iran to promote terrorism over the past few years. I understand that the Government wish to see de-escalation, but I have two questions. How can Israel and the world be assured that any promises now made by Iran will be respected? Secondly, I repeat the question asked by the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, to which I do not think the Minister responded. In the meantime, will the Government take the practical step of helping Israel to defend its citizens, both Arab and Jewish, by our military assisting in shooting down missiles which are aimed at the civilian population in Israel, a step which the Government have rightly taken in the past?

I say to the noble Lord that our focus is not to shift away from what Iran is doing. We are absolutely clear. We supported President Trump’s initial statements in terms of dialogue. President Trump has focused, this time around, on ensuring that Iran complies with the commitments it has given in the past, particularly in relation to the JCPOA. I have already mentioned the fact that there are facilities in terms of the snapback that is still available at the United Nations. We want to keep absolutely focused on de-escalation to avoid this conflict having a wider implication that is extremely dangerous, so we are urging both sides to step back so that President Trump can be absolutely focused on delivering that dialogue to ensure that they comply with those international obligations. The noble Lord asked me about how we can ensure that they will keep their word. The only way we can ensure that is by using the mechanisms that are available to us at the moment. One thing is clear: military action will not stop this. It will not resolve the long-term situation over nuclear development. It is only through the proper scrutiny that we have had in place before, and the appropriate sanctions that might be available if they fail to comply, that we can ensure long-term security.

My Lords, I refer the House to my interests in the register. Will the Minister say where these sanctions get us? Together with a partial arms embargo, the refunding of UNRWA, which in turn funds Hamas, and ceasing trade talks with our ally, HMG have been consistently on the wrong side since they took office. Even the Minister, who campaigned for proscription of the IRGC when on this side of the House has seemingly changed his mind. He should apologise to the people of Iran and to Vahid Beheshti, who has campaigned so bravely outside his office. Is it therefore any wonder that Britain was not briefed before the attack on the Iranian military and nuclear facilities? It is also no wonder that the PM seems to have had only a brush-past conversation with President Trump tonight. It is clear what the Iranian regime would do if it had nuclear warheads on its ballistic missiles. It took five or six hours on Friday for His Majesty’s Government to utter the words that Israel has a right to defend itself. What was the reason for the delay? Will the Minister tell the House which side HMG are on—the democratic, freedom-loving partner and ally, Israel, which is targeting military and nuclear facilities, or the Islamic regime led by the ayatollah, which supports Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis and targets civilians? They are the enemies of the people of Israel, enemies of the people of Iran and, frankly, enemies of all of us in this Chamber.

The noble Lord knows full well my position and that of this Government. We have been absolutely clear that Israel has the right to defend itself. There has been no hesitation or delay in relation to that. We have fully understood not just the threat that Iran poses to the State of Israel and its intent to destroy it but its malign influences everywhere else, including on United Kingdom soil. That is why we have been focused on dealing with Iranian nationals; we have arrested Iranian nationals and the Crown Prosecution Service, as I said, announced National Security Act charges against three of them. This is the first time that Iranian nationals have been charged under the Act. The independent criminal investigation will certainly be respected, but the CPS considers the evidence gathered sufficient to link the accused with the Iranian state. We know what they are about and what they are trying to do, but there is a mechanism. Nobody accepts that the long-term solution to the nuclear threat that Iran poses is simply responding with military action. President Trump has made it clear that he sees dialogue and diplomacy as the long-term solution. Our position on the current military situation remains one of de-escalation, withdrawal, stepping back and thinking about the wider consequences and implications of how escalation can be taken out of our control. That is what the Prime Minister is focused on at the G7. He is absolutely engaged with all allies, and we are working towards being able to focus on all the actions we can take to ensure compliance with those international agreements. I stand fully behind the right of Israel to exist and to defend itself, but the situation at the moment requires us to focus on de-escalation.

I respectfully say that we just want questions, not statements, because a lot of noble Lords want to get in.

My Lords, whatever we think of Israel’s actions against Hamas, there is at least one thing we should agree on: a sense of gratitude for what Israel is doing in Iran. Does my noble friend the Minister accept that Israel has done a great service for us in the UK and the rest of the world? Does he accept—I am sure he does—that the threat to us all of a nuclear Iran is not simply theoretical but very practical and that trying to resolve it is a very valuable activity? Does he accept that Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism in the UK, of which we have seen several examples recently, will diminish, that the supply of drones by Iran to Russia will be curtailed and that the Iranian people may have a chance of relief from the terrible oppression they are under? Will he offer some support for Israel’s help in curtailing the activities of this malign group?

I thank my noble friend. The Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister have spoken to their Israeli, American and Iranian counterparts, and all parties recognise that, ultimately, only a diplomatic settlement can address the nuclear issue for the long term. He will have seen that the Israeli national security adviser made the point on Friday that military strikes alone will not destroy Iran’s nuclear programme. I regret that many years of talks on the nuclear issue have not yet delivered a solution. We have strongly supported US and Iranian efforts to come to a deal in recent months and will continue to do so. It is in no one’s interests, certainly not those of the United Kingdom, for the current situation to escalate. This is an extremely dangerous moment for the world, and we need to ensure that people step back.

My Lords, the Israeli Government recently approved 22 new settlements in the illegally occupied West Bank—the largest such expansion in decades. Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are illegal under international law, yet the Government continue to allow trade with these settlements, contrary to the ICJ’s July 2024 advisory opinion, which reiterates the UK’s legal obligation not to recognise or assist illegal occupation, including through trading goods or services. Will the Government publish the advice they have received on their likely complicity with the Israeli Government in the committing of war crimes in the West Bank and Occupied Territories?

I apologise to the noble Baroness; what was her last question? Could she please repeat it?

Will the Government publish the legal advice they have received on their likely complicity with the Israeli Government in the committing of war crimes in Gaza and the Occupied Territories?

Let me be clear that no Government publish their legal advice, and I am certainly not going to go down that route. I agree with the noble Baroness that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law and do harm prospects for a two-state solution. Settlements do not offer security to Israelis or Palestinians. Settlement expansion and settler violence have reached record levels. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, asked me about the recognition of the Palestinian state. Sadly, as a consequence of the current situation, the conference on the two-state solution that should have been held this week has been postponed, for understandable reasons. We are very keen to work with France and the Saudis to ensure that that conference is reconvened. We remain committed to recognising the Palestinian state, but at the moment when it will achieve the most impact. We need to ensure that the conference and the focus on the two-state solution can be a real, achievable vision in the near future.

My Lords, I pray for wise judgment and a swift end to the current conflict between Israel and Iran. I pray for restraint and for the safety and well-being of Jewish people, here and around the world. I support the steps that have been made to protect British nationals and I am appalled by the attacks on civilians, wherever they occur. On the Statement made in the other place last Tuesday, we on this Bench are clear that the Israeli Government’s prosecution of their war in Gaza is now displacing Palestinians from their homes and destroying the infrastructure necessary to support life. It is a war that cannot be divorced from the accelerated annexation of land we are seeing in the West Bank. I welcome the recent steps the Government have taken to sanction racist and extremist elements in the Israeli Government. I urge them, however, to go further and recognise Palestinian statehood while a recognisable Palestinian structure remains, not to await a more conducive time that may never materialise. Will the Minister look again at the advice to businesses trading with illegal settlements, as well as the current labelling of settlement goods?

Our commitment to a two-state solution is unwavering. We are committed to recognising a Palestinian state, but at a time when it has the most impact in achieving that reality, and is most conducive to long-term prospects for peace. We are clear that that does not need to be at the end of the process. Certainly, UK bilateral recognition is the single most important action the United Kingdom can take with regard to Palestinian statehood. It is important to get the timing right, so that it creates genuine momentum and is not simply a symbolic gesture. We have noted President Macron’s comments and we are in constant dialogue with all partners on how we can best use the postponed conference to advance Palestinian statehood and the two-state solution. On the other elements of the right reverend Prelate’s question, the current guidance and processes are more than adequate in terms of identifying that.

The unilateral, one-sided sanctions announced last week suggest that the Government’s view is that incitement and extremism are only a problem on the Israeli side. This is obvious nonsense, when people such as Mahmoud al-Habbash, who is a Palestinian Authority supreme Sharia judge and the President’s adviser on religious and Islamic affairs, says that Israel has no right to exist and that the 7 October attacks and terrorist attacks on Israel are legitimate. Will the Minister agree to meet me and other Members of your Lordships’ House to look at extremism and incitement among the Palestinian leadership, and commit to imposing sanctions on those people as well?

I am more than happy to meet the noble Lord, as he knows; we have had many exchanges on this subject, so I do not have a problem with doing that. Most noble Lords know my position in relation to the extremism that he talked about. I have been a friend of Israel for many years and I have spoken out about its right to defend itself. However, I have witnessed the consequences of some of the settler violence, incited by extremist rhetoric. It has driven Palestinians from their homes, and encourages violence and human rights abuses. This fundamentally undermines the two-state solution. Settler violence has led to the deaths of Palestinian civilians and the displacement of whole communities. Extremist rhetoric advocating violence is appalling and dangerous, and these actions are not acceptable, which is why the Government have taken action. The noble Lord knows how this Government have condemned Hamas and other extremists who have threatened the statehood of Israel. We have made it absolutely clear that Hamas has no place in the future of a peaceful Palestine and a peaceful Israel.

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register. The Minister talked about the important levers of diplomacy. On the issue of snapback, the noble Lord knows that the clock runs out by October. Snapback should have been exercised because we have already seen Iran betraying the basis of the resolution. On our Gulf partners, can the Minister confirm that states such as Bahrain, which is a key partner, have also been spoken to? What about our influence over Oman, which of course was going to host the meeting between the Iranians and the Americans? The levers of diplomacy work when they are exercised. Can the Minister assure the House that it is not only the E3 but our Arab partners who will be fully immersed in finding a diplomatic pathway?

I hope I made it clear before. Over the weekend, the Foreign Secretary and Minister Falconer reached out to all our allies in the region. The noble Lord is right and I agree completely that we need to ensure constant communication and dialogue with all our allies in the region. We have been focused on that. The simple, straightforward answer is that he is right.

My Lords, I have received a number of messages from British nationals who are currently in Israel, including the following, which I share with permission: “About to have 50 missiles. So scared. I don’t care about me, but it makes it so hard with a young child. I am covering my child with my body when I hear the booms, it’s that loud. I called the FCDO and there is nothing the UK Government can do right now”. I have listened very closely to what the Minister has said, but will the Government proactively facilitate evacuation via one of Israel’s neighbours rather than wait for British nationals to get through Egyptian or Jordanian borders?

We are doing whatever is possible. As I said, our embassy, and the consulate in Jerusalem, are working around the clock and can be contacted 24/7 by any British national in need of consular assistance. As I said, we have deployed a rapid deployment team to either side of the Israeli-Jordan border to assist those who choose to travel out of the country via land. The situation is fast-moving. British nationals should read the FCDO’s advice and also follow, wherever appropriate, local government advice. I reassure my noble friend that we are monitoring the situation closely and keeping all plans under constant review.

My Lords, I thank the Minister for the Government’s Statement, which struck exactly the right note. I have two questions I would like to put to him. The first relates to the provisions of the United Nations charter on the use of force. Does he agree that the only possible cover, under the UN charter, for the unilateral military action that was taken last Friday by Israel is indeed Article 51 of the charter, and that for that to be operated, there has to be an imminent threat—I say “imminent”, a word which is being used in courts very frequently—of an Iranian attack on Israel? Do the Government have any information of any kind that indicated that such an attack was in fact imminent at the time Israel took its action? My second question to the Minister is, does he not think that the E3 possibly has a role to play in supporting the efforts of President Trump to get back to a negotiating, diplomatic discussion of Iran’s nuclear programme? If that is so, are we going to co-operate actively as a member of the E3 in canvassing that with all those concerned?

I will address the last question first, which is absolutely right. We are working with the E3, but we are also working in Ottawa to make sure that we can build a strong alliance to support these diplomatic efforts of President Trump to ensure a dialogue, and a deal—as he puts it—that will ensure safety and security in this incredibly dangerous moment. I am not going to speculate on what information Israel may or may not have had. All I would say is that at this moment in time, we are urging the most important thing, which is to step back, not escalate the situation and not engage with others. As I said earlier, the Prime Minister has had direct calls with Benjamin Netanyahu, President Trump, the leaders of France and Germany and of course other allies in the region, particularly the United Arab Emirates. We have been conveying one simple message: we have urged restraint, to step back and de-escalate. That is the way to ensure a future deal, as President Trump put it.

Given Israel’s demonstrated capacity for precision targeting in operations in Tehran, conducted with reported minimal civilian casualties, what assessment have the Government made of the proportionality and distinction applied in Israel’s use of force in Gaza, where, according to The Lancet, the civilian fatalities have exceeded 70,000?

I think the noble Baroness knows our position in relation to the action in Gaza. We have been very clear that we have taken specific action by refusing to export arms to Israel that may be used in Gaza. We see the actions as being absolutely disastrous for the people of Gaza. We have seen the consequences and have been absolutely focused on trying to ensure that Israel works to deliver what we have been calling for: an immediate ceasefire, an immediate end to hostilities, and the release of hostages. But most importantly, we want to see them ensure that the humanitarian aid that is so necessary is able to be delivered.

My Lords, while we are sitting here, the UN is scaling back its aid due to historic funding cuts. It is cutting back from $44 billion to $29 billion because of a drop in contributions, particularly from the US and from other western countries, which are reducing aid in order to prioritise defence spending. Tom Fletcher, who leads the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said: “Brutal funding cuts leave us with brutal choices”. What pressure can the Minister put on not only our country but the other countries, including the United States, to continue the aid during this terrible time, particularly for the people in Gaza and for others who will be suffering in the whole region?

My noble friend knows my position, and there is no doubt that, as the Prime Minister has made absolutely clear, a priority for aid will be Gaza. The situation is desperate, but of course, we have to remember the consequences generally for the change in the situation, particularly in relation to official development assistance. These are the direct consequences of the illegal invasion of Ukraine—the incredibly dangerous moment for the world, where the United Nations charter has been completely ignored. The West has had to respond by ensuring that the security of this country and of Europe is a priority. That is why the focus has to be on defence. My noble friend also knows that, in terms of development, I am absolutely focused on making sure that we use all the tools in our toolkit to ensure progress, particularly on the empowerment of women, which I know is an issue and a strong focus of her activities.

My Lords, as is clear, Iran was heading towards the ability to create nuclear weapons. We can debate the timeframe, but given that the Iranian leadership chants repeatedly not just death to Israel, death to America, and death to infidels, but “death to England”, and given the failure of the diplomatic path to stop a potential nuclear-armed Iran, does the Minister not think that the British Government should reflect on the “death to England” chant and be doing something more than just saying, “Arms alone will not work”?

I am not just reflecting the United Kingdom’s view on this situation; I am also reflecting the view of the President of the United States, who has been absolutely focused on reaching a deal—a deal that would end the escalation of Iran’s nuclear programme. The noble Lord is absolutely right: we have seen the escalation, far beyond the limits committed to in the JCPOA. It is enriching uranium to such a level that there is no plausible civilian use. We absolutely understand the threat that this suggests, and that there is a need for international efforts to hold Iran to account. But I repeat: in the discussions with Israel and with American and Iranian counterparts, all parties recognise that, ultimately, only a diplomatic settlement can address the nuclear issue in the long-term. That is why we are completely focused on the moment—on de-escalation. It is an incredibly dangerous moment. We know that, even as I speak, further action is being taken. If the situation escalates, we will not see control of the nuclear arms race; the consequences will potentially be far worse. That is why we are completely focused on the diplomatic effort and on supporting President Trump’s efforts.

My Lords, I refer to my entry in the register of interests. It would be catastrophic if Iran were ever to get a nuclear weapon; I am totally opposed to that. I totally support the right of Israel to defend itself and to exist; I totally condemn many of the things that have been said about Israel by Iran. However, I believe that a diplomatic solution is still possible. I say that because we had a diplomatic solution in 2015 with the JCPOA, which, if it were in operation today, would mean that there would be only 300 kilograms of enriched uranium in Iran’s stocks and that it would be enriched to only 3.67%. The mistake was that Trump tore up that agreement—that is why we are faced with the situation we have today. The Iranians agreed to the original proposition in 2015. The IAEA certified that they were complying with it, and it had the right of inspection throughout the country. The agreement was achieved then, and it could be achieved again if we put our minds to it. I beg the House not to get too bomb-happy and to consider that a diplomatic solution is better than the lives being lost.

I of course recall many exchanges with the noble Lord in 2015, when we discussed the JCPOA. I also acknowledge the incredibly hard work that my noble friend Lady Ashton put into securing that agreement. However, we are where we are now, and the most important thing is not to look back but to think about what President Trump is determined to do now. Our diplomatic efforts are focused on bringing all our allies—particularly, as the Lord, Lord Ahmad, said, all regional allies—into focus to ensure that we get a deal that ensures compliance with the principles that were originally in that agreement and that we stop Iran obtaining and developing nuclear weapons. That is what we are absolutely determined to ensure does not happen and why we support President Trump.

My noble friend the Minister is absolutely right when he says that this is an incredibly dangerous moment. I declare an interest, as I have very close family members who live in north Tel Aviv and who have spent the last two nights in a bomb shelter. Can my noble friend say more to the House about the conference, sponsored by Saudi Arabia and France, to advance a two-state solution? In what way will the UK Government support it, and will they take part in it?

As I indicated on Friday, President Macron announced the postponement of the conference—for obvious reasons, not least because many of the participants who would make that conference a success would not be able to get there. However, I reassure my noble friend that, as I have said on previous occasions, we are absolutely committed to ensuring that the conference is a success, that we focus on the importance of the two-state solution and that we look at the means to help deliver that. That is why we will work closely with President Macron and the Saudis to ensure that the conference is reconvened when it is safe to do so. It gives me the opportunity to say again that it will be safe to do so when we can ensure that the situation that we currently face is de-escalated and that people step back.

My Lords, in light of all the evidence, particularly in relation to the deliberate targeting of the civilian population of Israel, why are the Government continuing to dither and delay over the proscription of the IRGC?

We have been very clear about the actions we have taken. I am not going to repeat all of them, including the arrest of Iranian civilians and the actions of the CPS. We have been clear that the evidence has shown the direct involvement of the Iranian Government in these activities. We have taken action, and we have sanctioned the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. We are absolutely determined to ensure that its malign influence cannot be taken any further. We are going to do everything we can to ensure it cannot influence or exert pressure both here and elsewhere.

My Lords, I was very surprised that the Minister said that the reason that Iran was seeking to get nuclear power was to intimidate the region. I do not think that is the case at all. If you are a bomb-happy regime, the object is to kill Jews and to wipe Israel off the map. If you are willing to launch nuclear weapons across the valley of Armageddon, snapback and diplomacy do not mean an awful lot.

I do not underestimate the threat Iran poses. When we see the leadership of Iran saying that it wants the destruction of Israel, we must take its threat seriously. I totally understand that, which is why we are absolutely focused on Iran not having access to nuclear weapons. If it had them, it would pose a threat not only to Israel but to the security of this country and many others. That will be what we are focused on. I do not want to keep repeating it, but there is a clear acceptance that the long-term solution will be delivered not by military action but by diplomatic agreements, which is what President Trump has been focused on and has repeatedly said.

My Lords, there is no doubt that the long-term solution, as the Minister rightly says, must be diplomatic, and I am glad he emphasised the importance of nuclear non-proliferation. The vast majority of countries in the Middle East would like it to be a nuclear weapons-free zone. He is right to emphasise the danger, but I think during the diplomatic discussions the Government will have to address—and I do not expect him to comment on this—the nuclear ambiguity of Israel’s possession of nuclear weapons too.

I am going to be absolutely focused on one thing, which is what this crisis now faces: the potential of Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. It is the real threat in this situation. It is presenting the real danger, which is what our focus will be on.

My Lords, I welcome the Statement and the sensitive way in which the Minister has answered questions at a very difficult time. Last week in the other place, the Minister for the Middle East, Hamish Falconer, said right at the beginning of his Statement: “The two-state solution is in peril”.—[Official Report, Commons, 10/6/25; col. 913.] If there is to be any hope of a two-state solution being delivered, there must be a functioning Palestinian banking and finance sector, but the economy is currently on its knees due to the actions of the Israeli Government, including withholding Palestinians’ own money and with Minister Smotrich threatening total collapse. I ask the Minister what we, our allies in the West and friends in the Gulf are doing to help to make sure that does not happen.

That is in nobody’s interests, and so far the action that is supposedly threatened has not been taken. To do so would ensure the complete collapse of the financial situation in the Occupied Territories. I agree with the noble Baroness that it would be a catastrophe if that action was taken, and we are doing what we can to influence the situation. It would be an incredibly retrograde step, and would deeply impact the ability of Palestinians to carry out what possible normal livelihood they have at the moment; it would be a disaster.