Middle East Update

Statement

The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on Tuesday 6 May.

“With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will make a Statement on the Middle East. Yesterday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that the Israeli Security Cabinet has approved a plan to expand and intensify Israel’s military operations in Gaza. He said that the Israel Defense Forces operations will extend across more of Gaza. Tactics will no longer involve short raids, with the implication that Israel will hold the ground it takes. Reports suggest that the plans could include full military occupation of the Gaza Strip. Prime Minister Netanyahu said that Gaza’s population will be moved ‘for its protection’. Tens of thousands of reservists are being called up. In parallel, the Security Cabinet reportedly approved a plan to deliver aid through private companies.

This comes at a time when the scale of civilian suffering and humanitarian need is already intolerable. More than 52,000 people have now been killed in Gaza. Israel has fully blocked the entry of humanitarian aid for over two months. The World Food Programme says its food stockpile has been exhausted. The announcements from the Israeli Government have rightly sparked grave concern that this conflict, which has already wrought so much bloodshed and suffering, may enter a dangerous new phase. I know that concern will be felt right across the House.

Let me make the government position crystal clear: we strongly oppose the expansion of Israel’s operations. Any attempt to annex land in Gaza would be unacceptable. Palestinian territory must not be reduced or subjected to any demographic change. We want this war to end. We want an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages, the urgent provision of humanitarian aid and a pathway to a political solution.

We all recognise that Hamas continues to hold hostages in the cruellest fashion. Its actions show its complete disregard for the interests of the Palestinian people. Hamas must not divert aid for its own financial gain or use civilian infrastructure for military purposes. We repeat our demand for the immediate release of the hostages, but an expansion of this conflict is not the route to achieve their safe return. That is why it is so strongly opposed by so many hostages’ families. Negotiations offer the best hope of ending the agony of those waiting for loved ones who are held captive, alleviating the suffering of civilians, and ending Hamas’s control of Gaza. It is evident that Hamas cannot be defeated through military means alone. An expansion of military operations will result in the deaths of more innocent civilians and put the hostages at yet greater risk. The fighting must stop.

The Government have said since day one in office that the only way to ensure a path towards long-term peace and stability is an immediate ceasefire, the release of hostages, better protection of civilians and significantly more aid entering Gaza. Diplomacy is how we ensure security for Israelis and Palestinians, not more bloodshed. All the people of this region deserve to live in peace, prosperity and security. We urge all parties urgently to return to talks, implement the ceasefire agreement in full and work towards a permanent peace. We continue to use our full diplomatic weight to bring about a ceasefire and end the suffering.

After more than two months of aid into Gaza being blocked, Palestinians continue to face immense suffering. Essential supplies of food and medicine are either no longer available or quickly running out. As the United Nations has already said, it is hard to see how, if implemented, the new Israeli plan to deliver aid through private companies would be consistent with humanitarian principles and meet the scale of the need. We need urgent clarity from the Israeli Government on their intentions.

We must remember what is at stake. These humanitarian principles matter for every conflict around the world. They should be applied consistently in every war zone. As we have said repeatedly, humanitarian aid must never be used as a political tool, and Israel is bound under international law to allow the unhindered passage of humanitarian aid. I repeat my call for Israel to engage with partners to allow for a rapid and unhindered resurgence in the flow of aid into Gaza.

We reiterate our outrage at recent strikes by Israeli forces on humanitarian workers, infrastructure and healthcare facilities. Israel must do far more to protect the civilian population and humanitarian workers, and hold to account those who are responsible. Over a year since the appalling attack on the World Central Kitchen, in which three British nationals were tragically killed, we continue to press for a conclusion to the Israeli investigation and a decision as to whether criminal proceedings will be brought. The UN and humanitarian partners must be able to carry out their work in safety, in accordance with their principles.

Last week, we welcomed Prime Minister Mustafa of the Palestinian Authority to the United Kingdom. We signed a landmark memorandum of understanding and confirmed a £101 million package of support for the Occupied Palestinian Territories. We will continue to support the Palestinian Authority as the only legitimate governing entity in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including in Gaza. During that visit, we reaffirmed the UK’s commitment to recognising a Palestinian state as a contribution to a two-state solution. Only a political horizon of moving towards a two-state solution can ensure the long-term peace and security of both Palestinians and Israelis. I commend this Statement to the House”.

18:34:00

My Lords, the Middle East continues to face a wide range of challenges, as was made clear in the debate in the other place yesterday afternoon. Fighting and instability continue in many parts of the region, and state actors in the Middle East pose an increasing threat to the UK on the domestic stage. I start with Syria. As noble Lords will be aware, representatives from several groups in Syria convened a national dialogue conference in March this year to discuss a new national constitution. Although there was agreement on a commitment to human rights and transitional justice, several groups from the Kurdish and Druze communities attacked the al-Sharaa Government for what they claim is a lack of representation. Kurdish groups have since claimed that they have secured agreement on a federal system of government, although this has been neither confirmed nor publicly announced by the incumbent Government. Will the Minister please update the House on the Government’s assessment of the involvement of Kurdish groups in the constitution-making process in Syria? Are the Government concerned that a lack of clarity in these discussions threatens the process? Although I am sure the whole House celebrates the fall of Bashar al-Assad, we cannot lose sight of how important the next steps are in Syria. The way the Syrian state is reconstituted is vital to ensuring that a lasting peace can be maintained. The international community must do all it can to ensure that these debates are settled by negotiation and compromise, not through further violence. Syria is a fundamentally important player in the region, and it is vital for the sake of the wider international community that one destabilising Government is not replaced by yet another one. I therefore ask the Minister what discussions or support the Government are providing to Syrian authorities on how they can take proactive, balanced steps in the reconstruction process. What discussions are the Government having with other global partners, such as the US, on how the process in Syria can be supported? Noble Lords will have heard in the Home Office Statement made in the other place yesterday that British counterterrorism police arrested several Iranian nationals on suspicion of intent to perform a terrorist act. The details we have make it clear that security services are investigating a state-level threat from Iran. My noble friend Lord Davies of Gower covered this in his earlier remarks, but the matter needs reiterating: Iran poses a very real, very direct threat to the UK domestically, as well as to the wider Middle East. It has recently backed an attack on Ben Gurion Airport, Israel’s main international hub, and continues to support destabilising organisations across the entire Middle East. Iran continues to pose a great threat to the security of Israel and its allies. Iranian authorities this week claim to have created a new missile with a range of 1,200 kilometres and have warned that American military bases across the Middle East fall within its scope. Given the scale of the threat that Iran poses to us in the UK, to our ally in Israel and to the US, does the Minister recognise that our continued support for Israel’s right to defend itself against such violence is even more essential? Will he update the House on what steps the Government are taking to continue to undermine Iran’s malign influence in the Middle East? Iran continues to destabilise, threaten and attack partners across the region, and its foreign and military policies are some of the most fundamental barriers to any efforts to gain peace in the Middle East. It is vital that the Government address the threat of Iran robustly, for our own security and that of our partners on the world stage. Finally, I turn to Israel. We must remember that 59 innocent hostages continue to be held in cruel captivity by Hamas, and those who are still alive have no access to aid or communication with their families. These hostages have now been imprisoned for nearly 600 days. We can never forget that it was the kidnapping of these innocent people by Hamas, and the attacks, which contributed to the conflict we see today. I therefore ask the Minister what discussions the Government have had with partners in the US and Europe on how those remaining hostages can be freed and returned to their families. We are clear that Hamas, a terrorist organisation that has acted tirelessly to inflict pain, misery and suffering on communities in Israel and Gaza, cannot continue to remain in power: it has to be eradicated from the region if we are ever to see a lasting peace. Will the Minister please confirm whether the Government have a clear strategy on removing Hamas in Gaza? In conclusion, the UK should support all efforts to secure peace, security and stability, which means standing up for our allies and our values in proactive engagement with partners across the Middle East. The Government have a duty to continue this work and I hope the Minister will be able to address these many points in his response.

My Lords, I shall address the Statement that was made in the Commons and that has just been, in effect, repeated in the Lords. It addresses the announcement made by the Israeli Prime Minister that the “Israeli Security Cabinet has approved a plan to expand and intensify Israel’s military operations in Gaza”.—[Official Report, Commons, 6/5/25; col. 578.] That will be my focus, because it was the focus of the Statement. The Government have pointed out that Hamas will not be defeated by military means and have expressed “outrage” at actions of the Israeli Government. Israel has violated the deal with Hamas by imposing a siege and refusing to start phase 2 of the deal. That siege has lasted 65 days. UNRWA says that nearly 3,000 aid trucks have been prevented from entering Gaza. The World Food Programme has announced that its food stocks in Gaza have been completely depleted, and the Statement refers to those points. Does the Minister agree that Israel imposing a siege on Gaza and preventing humanitarian aid coming in constitutes collective punishment of a civilian population, which is illegal under international law? Israel’s Finance Minister has now said that Gaza will be “totally destroyed”. Does the Minister condemn that statement? The Government in their Statement say that 52,000 people have already been killed, and others have estimated that it is higher. Around 90% of the population of Gaza has been displaced at least once; many have been displaced multiple times. Israel says that it plans to take over the distribution of humanitarian aid to Gaza at hubs controlled by its military. The UN has criticised this as a violation of global humanitarian principles, and its agencies will not participate. What action will the Government take here? One hundred and five hostages, taken in violation of international law and in appalling violence, were released in November 2023 and 33 during the latest deal period. That is why the Israeli hostage families argue that negotiations have had far greater success in securing the release of hostages than military action. It is welcome that the Government say that Hamas will not be defeated by military means. That is surely right. Following President Trump’s repeated comments, will the Minister confirm that Gaza is for the Palestinians, and that it must be rebuilt and liberated for the Palestinians? What actions are the Government taking to ensure that Israel adheres to international humanitarian law in Gaza and immediately ceases indiscriminate attacks on civilians, protected workers such as aid workers and journalists, and protected infrastructure such as schools and hospitals? It is essential that we ensure that no UK weapons can be used to perpetrate human rights abuses in Gaza. With the resumption of Israeli strikes on Gaza, does the Minister agree that the UK must now move urgently to suspend all arms sales to Israel? Israel is continuing its military invasion of West Bank cities. This included tanks in the city of Jenin for the first time in 20 years. According to the UN, it has displaced 40,000 Palestinians who, according to the Israeli Defence Minister, will not be allowed to return for at least a year. The US, UK and other European Governments have condemned the continued expansion of illegal settlements, but over 250 illegal settlements have been built across the West Bank, now with over 700,000 settlers. Given Israel’s refusal to withdraw its illegal settlements in line with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, when will the Government take action to stop the continuation of these violations of international law? Can the Minister explain how massive Israeli settlement expansion is in any way aligned with the Government’s stated goal of a two-state solution? The Minister will know that his colleague in the other place, although condemning what was happening, found that MPs were not satisfied with the level of action the Government were taking. Across the House, that concern was expressed. Therefore, does he not agree that the Government must now join almost 150 other states in recognising a Palestinian state? Surely some hope should be offered that they have rights that must be respected. We need to move forward: the two-state solution, living side by side in security for both states, and prosperity. I look forward to the Minister’s response.

I thank the noble Lord and the noble Baroness for their contributions and questions. I start with the points from the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, about Iran and Syria. Iran continues to destabilise the region through its political, financial and military support for partners and proxies, including Hezbollah and Hamas. We have been clear that it must cease this support. Long-term peace and security in the Middle East cannot be achieved without addressing Iran’s destabilising activities. President Pezeshkian has spoken about greater engagement with the West. For this to succeed, Iran needs to end that destabilising behaviour. The collapse of the Assad regime has certainly weakened Iran and its so-called axis of resistance. A Syrian-led and owned political transition process, leading to an inclusive, non-sectarian and representative Government, is vital, and that is what we are aiming to support in terms of Syria. Our diplomatic efforts are to ensure that we judge the new Government by their actions and not simply their words. Last week, at the UN Security Council, I had the opportunity to meet briefly the new permanent representative from Syria. I made these points very strongly: that we are committed to support a new Syria, focused particularly on economic growth, that can actually deliver for the people of Syria. As the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, focused on, the main part of the Statement was in relation to the Israel-Gaza situation and the Occupied Territories. I will be absolutely clear, as my honourable friend in the other place was very clear: the United Kingdom opposes an expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza. Continued fighting is in nobody’s interests, and we urge all parties to return urgently to talks, implement the ceasefire agreement in full, release the hostages and work towards a permanent peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. It is absolutely important that the remaining hostages are released and the way to return them safely is through a deal. To reassure the noble Baroness, Palestinian territory must not be reduced in the conduct of this war. There must be no forced displacement of people from Gaza. A two-state solution remains the only path to a just and lasting peace. I wish to reassure the noble Baroness on our Government’s actions. I hear what she said about the discussions in the other place, but, as a Government, we have been absolutely focused on this. The Foreign Secretary has spoken to the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, the Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, the Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer, the EU High Representative Kaja Kallas and the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary hosted the Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa on 28 April in London and signed a landmark memorandum of understanding, underpinning our strategic partnership and reaffirming our absolute commitment to a two-state solution. On 23 April, together with France and Germany, the Foreign Secretary issued a joint statement calling on Israel immediately to restart the flow of aid into Gaza, reiterating our outrage at recent strikes by Israeli forces on humanitarian personnel. I also gave a statement to the UN Security Council on 28 April in which I pressed for a ceasefire, the release of hostages, an end to the block on aid and a path to long-term peace. We are putting all our diplomatic efforts into that. I say to the noble Baroness that our commitment to a two-state solution is unwavering. We are committed to recognising a Palestinian state, at a time that has the most impact in achieving this reality and is most conducive to long-term prospects for peace. We are clear that that does not need to be at the end of the process. In New York, I spoke to the French Foreign Minister and committed this Government’s full support to the two-state solution conference that will be held in June. These are the ingredients of the pathway to delivering the two-state solution, working with our allies. We should take the opportunity to build on the Arab plan for Gaza’s future and develop a credible security and governance plan that is acceptable to both Israel and the Palestinians. We must seize that opportunity. I make it clear to the noble Lord—I have repeated this on many occasions—that there is no role for Hamas in that future Gaza situation, or in a Palestinian state that is recognised by the international community. We are appalled by Israel blocking aid when it is needed at greater volume and speed than ever before. Israel has now blocked aid for over 50 days, and it is obligated under international law to facilitate humanitarian assistance by all means at its disposal. We stand ready to work alongside Israel, the UN and our partners to assist. But as the UN said, it is hard to see how, if implemented, the new Israeli plan to deliver aid through private companies would be consistent with humanitarian principles and meet the scale of the need. We need urgent clarity from the Israeli Government on their intentions in this regard. I have reported before on our announced package of support for the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including £101 million for humanitarian aid and support for Palestinian economic development. We have been absolutely clear that the extension of settlements is illegal under international law. I hope that my comments reassure both the noble Lord and the noble Baroness that we remain absolutely committed to seeking a solution that protects the interests of the State of Israel but also advances the cause of the Palestinian people.

18:53:00

My Lords, I declare my interests as set out in the register. I very much thank the Minister for his comments and the Government for their support. The Government are absolutely right to oppose the expansion of Israel’s operation in Gaza and to question how the Israeli Government’s aid plan is consistent with humanitarian principles. According to OCHA, the design of the plan will leave the less mobile and most vulnerable without supplies. Can the Minister ensure that the UK Government put pressure on the Israeli Government not only to drop these proposals but to withdraw their parallel plans to ban humanitarian agencies, including those providing vital medical assistance, if they call for justice or accountability? Those agencies and their dedicated staff have years of experience treating Palestinians with compassion and respect, and the international community should insist that aid from them flows freely and without threat or impediment.

The noble Baroness is absolutely right. We have been focused on ensuring that agencies are allowed to deliver aid. When we last considered this matter, I made it clear that we were ready and willing—with all agencies, not just UNRWA—to ensure that we can get aid in when this block by Israel is lifted. We are ready to do that, but we are also working very hard diplomatically to ensure that Israel allows aid to get to the people who are most in need. I did not address the question raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, on the export of arms and international humanitarian law. This Government have suspended relevant licences for the IDF that might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international law in Gaza. Of the remaining licences for Israel, the vast majority are not for the Israeli Defense Forces but for civilian purposes or re-export and are therefore not used in the war in Gaza. The only exception is the F35 programme, due to its strategic role in NATO and the wider implications for international peace and security. Any suggestion that the United Kingdom is licensing other weapons for use by Israel in the war in Gaza is misleading.

My Lords, the situation in Gaza is truly horrendous, but Hamas must bear some responsibility for that. Indeed, the Gazan population is rising up against Hamas saying just that. I will briefly address the situation regarding aid. In view of the suggestion that Hamas purloined much of the aid that used to go in and sold it off to the suffering citizens at a profit, what is the Government’s view of Israel’s proposal—which must be taken seriously—to deliver the aid through aid hubs, arranging for it to be delivered directly to the people who really need it? That, surely, must be a way forward and should be greeted positively rather than negatively, if it can be expanded.

I thank my noble friend for his question, which I tried to address in my opening comments to the Front Benches opposite. The scale of the problem is such that it requires all agencies and NGOs to get in and deliver the aid needed—it is huge. As I said, the United Nations itself has said that it is hard to see how, if implemented, the new Israeli plan to deliver aid through private companies would be consistent with humanitarian principles and, most importantly, meet the scale of need. By the way, I say to my noble friend that I am absolutely clear about Hamas’s responsibility and the criminal acts it has committed, and that is why we see no role for it in a future Gaza.

My Lords, does the Minister recognise that the June conference that the French seem to be planning to convene, along with the Saudis, offers an opportunity to move forward on the two-state solution? Does he agree that our position would be much more credible if it were that, should the two-state solution negotiations not end but begin again, everyone who goes to that conference, including the UK, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Palestine, should recognise each other and get rid of the recognition issue? That idea was put forward in the Private Member’s Bill of the noble Baroness, Lady Northover. The Foreign Office should have had time—quite a few weeks—to consider it by now, and I would like to hear what its response is. Then, the negotiations on a two-state solution should concentrate on the crucial issues such as Jerusalem, the boundaries, security and refugees. They might take a very long time to conclude, but we would at least have removed from the table the issue of recognition and we would be in a better place. Can the Minister also share with the House anything that the Government have been able to glean about the two rounds of negotiations between the United States and Iran over its nuclear programme?

To answer the latter point, I am afraid that I am not able to give the noble Lord any further information in relation to those discussions. When the French Foreign Minister was chairing the Security Council and we had the discussion on Gaza, I made it absolutely clear that France’s leadership in preparing for the conference in June has been vital. We want to make our full contribution in moving forward towards a two-state solution. Of course, we have been in touch with all key partners in the run-up to the conference. We should take the opportunity to ensure that we build on the Arab plan for Gaza’s future. I repeat that we have been absolutely clear that we will recognise a Palestinian state at a time when it is most conducive to delivering that two-state solution. I am not going to predict the outcome of the June conference or what our position will be, but our absolute commitment to it is about how we best achieve it on a sustainable footing.

My Lords, I draw attention to my interests in the register. Conferences themselves will not solve the issue. People are dying in Gaza and hostages continue to be held. The Government in which I served had direct engagement on the ground and the Minister knows that we used every lever, including through sanctions. It is important that aid is delivered not just through land routes but air routes, working with key neighbouring partners and people within the Israeli Government and institutions who understand what is going on. In the Talmud, the Jewish scripture, it says that saving a single life is like saving the whole world. There are many in Israel and that region who want to ensure that the suffering of the people of Gaza ends now and the hostages are brought home. Conferences have their place, but we need action right now.

I agree with the noble Lord. On one of the many occasions when I was challenging him as the Minister about ensuring access to aid, he said that airlifts and sea routes are all possible, but the main thing to deliver the scale of aid is opening those road routes with trucks. We are absolutely ready. We have got those trucks full, we are ready to deliver that aid, and we need the Israeli Government to ensure that they can have that access. We are putting every bit of diplomatic pressure, with our allies, to ensure that they do this. I accept that action is not about talking, it is about persuading.

My Lords, I welcome much of the Minister’s response to what the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, said about the appalling, massive expansion of the war in Gaza, although I was a little disappointed by his response on recognising Palestine as a state, which is now urgent. I raise a slightly different issue: the Knesset is now taking steps which will destroy Israeli NGOs’ work to hold their Government to account for their cruel and inhumane treatment of Palestinian civilians. The change in the law being proposed threatens to destroy these NGOs and in doing so will deny Israeli civil society their voices. Can the Minister say what steps the Government will take to try to stop this happening, so that independent monitoring and holding to account by NGOs can continue?

My noble friend makes a very good point, and she is well aware of both my personal and this Government’s commitment to supporting civil society in all contexts. We have been pressing diplomatically. A lot of legislation has gone through the Knesset which still is not being implemented. We are absolutely clear that there should be no impediment to NGOs and civil society delivering that support and aid that are so desperately needed in both Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

My Lords, according to OCHA, more than 13,000 children have been killed and an estimated 25,000 have been injured since the terror attack in October 2023. I welcome the Government’s decision to allow two children from Gaza to come to the United Kingdom for specialist treatment under Project Pure Hope. Can the Minister confirm whether the Government intend to accept more children needing urgent medical intervention or specialist care?

I am unable to confirm that, but I think the noble Baroness knows that we have been absolutely committed to trying to ensure that medical support and aid are delivered, either through the mobile units that we have been funding, through neighbouring countries or, in the case the noble Baroness mentioned, by bringing children here. The most important thing is how we can get immediate medical treatment for them, and that is what we are focused on.

My Lords, I accept the Minister’s Statement and thank him very much for all he has done, but at the same time we need to look at the local community. I have asked this before. We have seen no pictures of women on the television at any of the peace talks, whether in America, Saudi Arabia or anywhere. It has just been pictures of men and there have been no answers to the issues that affect women. There has been nothing about how the peace is going to be dealt with or about education, health and where people will go while their parts of the world are being rebuilt—if there is anywhere for them to go. At the moment it is all just about the peace, but nothing about how the peace is going to be, who are going to be the peacekeepers on the ground, and how we are going to deal with the question of America, which does not believe in sexual violence in conflict any more and is not willing to look at women at the peace table either. I would like an undertaking from the Government that they will ensure—as we have been promised before—that we will have women there, abide by what we have agreed before, and tell the Americans this.

I thank my noble friend. As she knows from previous debates, we are absolutely committed to women, peace and security. Our new Special Envoy for Women and Girls, the noble and learned Baroness—

Harman!

—Lady Harman. I nearly said “Hayman”. She and I were both at the Commission on the Status of Women at the United Nations, and we focused on this agenda: how you ensure that when talking about peace you include and embrace women in those processes. Certainly, the support we have been giving to the Palestinian Authority is focused on that too. When the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary met Prime Minister Mustafa of the Palestinian Authority, we were focused on that delivery. But, of course, until we get that ceasefire agreement implemented and that necessary humanitarian aid in, it is very difficult to do much more.

My Lords, the Minister will be aware that over 1.7 million tonnes of aid have been delivered in Gaza and that under Article 23 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, aid can be restricted when it is known that it has been seized by enemy forces. Anyone who has been to Kerem Shalom crossing, as I have, will know that the aid is being stolen by Hamas for its own advantage. The Minister has quite rightly said there is no role for Hamas in the future of a potential state of Palestine, but at the same time, he is urging Israel to sit down and negotiate with, I assume, Hamas. What steps are the Government taking to find moderate groups of people, to reach out to them, to encourage them to try to create some civic society and get them to the negotiating table, because they are the only interlocutors who can reach an agreement that would be acceptable to all parties?

I suspect that there are people in the State of Israel who share some of those commitments. Of course, we very much welcomed President Trump’s and the US’s involvement in achieving that ceasefire agreement. Let us not forget that the Government of Israel signed a ceasefire agreement. It is a fact that Hamas has broken some of it, but I am not taking sides; I am saying that both sides have an agreement, so let us ensure that they both return to the table and stick to that agreement so we can get a ceasefire and get the aid in as necessary. I hear what the noble Lord says about aid being stolen by Hamas and others, but the simple fact is— I mentioned this before—that the scale of the problem is so huge that we need to use every mechanism to get aid in. It has been very serious, and I think all noble Lords from all sides of the House recognise the humanitarian crisis that now exists in Gaza.

My Lords, one of the single most important steps that could be taken immediately, which would help to end the suffering and bring an end to all the violence that we are seeing, would be the release of the hostages, so what are the Government doing, along with our partners, to put pressure on Hamas to release the hostages? Why do they think the hostages remain in captivity, both dead and alive?

I think I have made it clear to the House, and I repeat to the noble Lord, that we have been absolutely clear that the remaining hostages must be released, and the way to do that is through the deal that was agreed. That is really important. We have been speaking to all our allies and partners to ensure that they too are putting pressure on both parties to ensure a return to the negotiating table to stick to the ceasefire agreement so that we can get the hostages released. The noble Lord is absolutely right that that is the way forward; it is important that they are released, and they are a priority, but it is also a priority to ensure that we get that humanitarian aid in to support the people of Gaza as, after all, the women and children who have been killed are not responsible for holding the hostages.

My Lords, the long-term path to peace in the Middle East and securing the two-state solution that my noble friend spoke so passionately about will come only from the bottom up in civil society by changing and supporting attitudes among Israelis and Palestinians towards coexistence. In this spirit, what update can my noble friend the Minister provide on UK support for the International Fund for Israeli-Palestinian Peace?

I am afraid I cannot give my noble friend an up-to-date report but, as she knows, I have worked with a number of noble friends and across the House to ensure that community-building efforts that have been incredibly successful, particularly in terms of developing youth employment and developing enterprises, all help contribute to building that peaceful coexistence. But unless we address that fundamental issue about the situation in Gaza, we will be unable to make the sort of progress that she and I both desire.

My Lords, it is a sad coincidence that this Statement is followed by one on India-Pakistan. Both situations are ones where this country was responsible for dividing land in a way that was unsuitable and crude, which has led to trouble ever since, and to migration and displacement. As far as recognition of Palestine goes, I am afraid that India-Pakistan is a sad instance of how recognition does not solve a historic, millennia-old division between two peoples. I do not have a solution, but I will say this: over 100 other countries already recognise Palestine; it has made no difference whatever. I do not know why, but it does not make a difference because, as the noble Baroness, Lady Berger, said, it takes more than that. If there is to be recognition and peace, it has to start with education, of the Palestinian population in particular. UNRWA teaches children to hate. It teaches them that one day they will return and overrun Israel. Until the Palestinians accept history—that there is no going back and no right of return—no amount of recognition, especially coming from this country with its particular responsibility, will help. I call on the Minister to dial down the temperature by talking about peaceful education and by not always challenging Israel on everything it says, in particular in relation to the figures of casualties, where Hamas’s word is always taken and Israel’s is not.

I have written to the noble Baroness on a couple of occasions in response to the Written Questions she has asked on the casualty numbers. I hear what she says, but I think everyone in this Chamber understands that there have been huge casualties and there is certainly a humanitarian crisis. But I also agree with her. I think noble Lords will appreciate that I have been very committed to supporting the existence of the State of Israel for many years. I remain of that view, but for me, the State of Israel’s security is best supported through an arrangement where we see two states living side by side. We have divided communities now. My noble friend Lady Berger is also committed to a two-state solution; that is the way forward. She is also right that we need to ensure that we can take action to build that community cohesion and support, and education is certainly vital to that. Sadly, at the moment the people and children of Gaza are not getting any education at all.